
Class 
Book. 



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Copyright^ . 



COPYRIGHT DEPOSIT 



The Social Work of the 
Salvation Army 



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By 
EDWIN GIFFORD LAMB, A.B. 



Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree ^of 

Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Political Science 

Columbia University 



1909 



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Copyright, 1909 

BY 

Edwin Gifford Lamb 



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PREFACE. 

I use the word "Social" in the title of this work to suggest 
that, save in an auxiliary way, I am not attempting to describe 
the religious features of the organization. Such a field of in- 
vestigation would prove a very profitable and interesting one, but 
it is a field, which, for the sake of clearness and impartial study, 
should be kept separate. The organization itself recognizes the 
primary division. Commander Booth-Tucker, the leader of the 
Army in the United States from 1896 to 1904, says, "The Sal- 
vation Army is the evolution of two great ideas: first, that of 
reaching with the gospel of salvation the masses who are out- 
side the pale of ordinary church influence, and second, that of 
caring for their temporal as well as spiritual interests." ( 1 ) 

I have secured very little data from books, as there is but 
little authentic literature on the subject. Primarily, the data for 
this treatise were taken from personal observation. In pursuing 
the subject I have visited Salvation Army social institutions of 
every description. In addition to visiting the larger cities of the 
United States and the three Army colonies, situated in Ohio, 
Colorado and California, respectively, I have investigated the 
work in London, where the Army had its origin, and at the farm 
colony in Hadleigh, on the river Thames, some thirty miles from 
London. I have slept in the hotels, worked in the industrial 
homes, wandered over the farm colonies, and mingled with the 
inmates of other types of Army institutions. 

Nov., 1909. E. G. L. 



(1) Pamphlet "The Salvation Army in the United States. 



TABLE OF CONTENTS. 



Page. 

Preface 5 

Introduction 7 — 15 

CHAPTER I 
The Salvation Army Industrial Department 16 — 62 

CHAPTER II 
The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses 63 — 98 

CHAPTER III 

The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army 99 — 116 

CHAPTER IV 
The Salvation Army Slum Department 117 — 121 

CHAPTER V 
The Salvation Army Rescue Department 122 — 126 

CHAPTER VI 

Some Minor Features of the Salvation Army Social 

Work 127 — 131 

CHAPTER VII 
Conclusion 132 — 139 



CHAPTER I. 
Introduction. 

The Salvation Army was founded by William Booth in Lon- 
don, England, in 1865. Previous to this time Mr. Booth had 
been a successful clergyman in the Methodist Church, and had 
become widely known throughout England as a revivalist. As 
time passed, he had become more and more interested in the con- 
dition of the un-churched masses, and as his church did not ap- 
prove of his taking up work among the masses in connection 
with it as an organization, he had, in 1861, separated from the 
Methodists. With little support, he established in London what 
was known as The Christian Mission. 

From the first, numbers of converts were made, and soon sev- 
eral missions were established in London, and other cities 
of England. From the first, too, the agency of women was an 
important feature. Especially was this true in visitation among 
the lower classes. In regard to the foundation of the Army itself 
and in connection with its earlier successes, much credit must be 
given to Mrs. Booth, the wife of William Booth. She became as 
noted a speaker and revivalist as her husband, and together, they 
made plans for the movement. Unfortunately she died of cancer 
in 1890. Through these early years of the movement its manage- 
ment, almost unconsciously, developed along lines that were mili- 
tary in form. At first the title of "Captain" was used among the 
sailors and fishermen to designate the local leader of the company, 
and then it was extended wherever, among the rough element, the 
"Mr." or "Rev." would seem out of place. The usage and the 
spirit accompanying it soon spread, and by the year 1879 mili- 
tary methods and titles were officially added. The Rev. Wm. 
Booth, who, up to this time, had been known as "Superintendent 



8 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

of the Christian Mission," became "General" Booth, and the 
"Mission" became the "Salvation Army." (i) 

This addition of military methods seems to have accelerated 
the movement by favoring efficient and systematic control. Soon 
after this time, we find, the organization had spread to the 
United States, Canada, Australia, France, Switzerland, Holland, 
Belgium, Scandinavia, Germany and Italy. Then missionary 
work was taken up in India, and latter on, in Africa, Java and 
Japan. At the present time (1908), according to its reports, the 
Army occupies fifty-two different countries and colonies. In no 
country has its rate of progress been more remarkable than in 
the United States, where in point of numbers, the local organiza- 
tion now ranks second only to that of Great Britain. (2) 

Along with the rapid growth went a differentiation almost as 
rapid and unique as the growth itself. In fact, both reacted on 
each other. The work was separated first into three main de- 
partments, viz. : Spiritual, Social and Trade. It will be necessary 
to make a brief statement of this differentiation in detail. In 
the Spiritual Department we have the extension of the original 
idea, that of converting the people. Corps, as the different re- 
ligious groups were called, sprang up and multiplied until even 
the smaller towns were occupied. Converts were added by run- 
dreds and thousands. Large numbers of the brightest and best 
of these converts were utilized in extending the work still fur- 
ther, and after undergoing a brief training, were sent out, some 
to aid the movement in the mother country, others to begin the 
work in different parts of Europe and in America, and still others 
as missionaries to all parts of the world. Meanwhile, the work 
in each local organization or Corps, became systematized, and 
the Corps were united into Sections or Divisions, the Divisions 
into larger districts called Provinces, and the Provinces into 
Commands, which for the most part controlled the territory of 
an entire country. Each of these divisions from the Corps to the 



(1) "Social Relief Work of the Salvation Army in the U. S M " p. 5. 

(2) "Life of William Booth," p. 57. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 9 

Command, was delegated to an officer who had sole charge, and 
who was responsible to the officer above him. For example, the 
United States, at present, is divided into two Commands ; the 
first extending from New York to Chicago ; the second from 
Chicago to the Pacific Coast. The first Command has six Prov- 
inces ; the second, four. Each Province has from three to nine 
Divisions, and each Division contains a number of Corps. Thus, 
while each Corps is complete in itself, the general administration 
is very highly centralized ; so much so, that an order from General 
Booth at the National Headquarters, London, England, must be 
obeyed by every Corps in the world. 

While the organization of the Spiritual Department was taking 
place in this manner, the Social Work was assuming large pro- 
portions, and differentiating itself. Visitation in the lower parts 
of the cities was organized into a regular department of Slum 
Work, called the Slum Department, with a specialized corps of 
officers. Work among fallen women was instituted as the Rescue 
Department, with its rescue homes and trained workers. The 
establishment of hotels and lunch counters for both men and 
women became finally what is now the Social Department. The 
wood yards and small factories, together with the salvage depots 
and cheap stores, were organized into the Industrial Department. 
Work among the children resulted in the establishment of kinder- 
gartens and orphanages. The colonization enterprise took root, 
and was divided into the industrial colonies and farm colonies. 
Thus, we have here a differentiation of the original Social De- 
partment into six distinct divisions, which we shall consider sep- 
arately in this treatise. As these lines of work advanced, although 
each had its special group of workers, it was natural that the 
work should follow the administrative system of Commands, 
Provinces, Divisions and Corps, which had already been marked 
out in the Spiritual Department. 

The third primary division, that of trade, has had some in- 
teresting developments. There is, for example, the trade car- 
ried on in articles necessary to the members of the Army them- 



io The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

selves, and which they cannot conveniently obtain in the open 
market, such as uniforms, badges, books and musical instruments. 
The Reliance Trading Company, for instance, was incorporated 
in 1902, under the laws of the State of New Jersey. This com- 
pany owns and publishes the "War Cry," the official gazette of 
the Army in the United States ; does the printing for the various 
departments of the Army ; manufactures fountain pens ; makes 
uniforms, bonnets and hats for the Army members ; conducts 
an Insurance Department, and carries on other business enter- 
prises. (1.) 

There is, too, the trade in the products of the various fac- 
tories and industries connected with the relief work of the Army. 
For example, the Salvation Army Industrial Homes Company, 
incorporated in New Jersey, has greatly facilitated the in- 
dustrial work in the United States. There have been com- 
panies formed and organized as building societies, insurance- 
companies, and a Salvation Army Bank. 

In all these companies the Salvation Army, through its officers, 
always has control, although it invites and seeks investments 
from the public. The following extract, taken from a prospectus- 
sent out by the Salvation Army Industrial Homes Company, 
illustrates the point: 

"The Charter of our Industrial Homes Co. has been prepared by- 
Messrs. Jas. B. Dill & Co., the eminent corporation lawyers, who 
have kindly given us the full benefit of their skill and experience, 
at a fairly nominal charge. The capital consists of $500,000.00, 
divided into 50,000 shares, of the par value of $10.00 each, of 
which 25,000 are in 6% cumulative preferred stock and 25,000 in 
common stock. Only the preferred shares are offered to the public, 
and bear interest at 6%, which is guaranteed by the Army. The 
common shares are held by the Army, with a view to retaining the 
control of the company, and the entire profits, over and above the 
interest on the preferred stock, are thus devoted to the charitable 
and religious work of the Army, and help us to continually expand 
and enlarge our homes." .... "We shall be happy to supply any in- 
formation or answer any questions as to the financial standing of. 



(1) : "Social Relief Work of the S. A. in the U. S. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. n 

the Salvation Army. For our spiritual and social operations in 
the United States, we have now an annual income of nearly $2,000,- 
OOO.oo, while the value of our real estate holdings in this country 
amount to about $1,500,000. Hence, it will be seen that in guar- 
anteeing the interest upon these preferred shares, amounting in all 
to only $15,000.00, we are abundantly able to insure the regular pay- 
ment of the same apart, altogether, from the income of our indus- 
trial homes." 

As a result of this rapid growth along the three lines described, 
the movement everywhere forced itself upon public recognition. 
The publication of its weekly organ, the "War Cry," in many 
different languages and countries aided its growth. Other maga- 
zines of higher class and better quality were issued. At the same 
time, the public press investigated the organization, and for a 
long time criticised it harshly. In fact, during all this time, 
while so successful, the Army suffered much persecution. The 
crowds of people composed of those whom it was seeking to 
benefit, seemed often to be its worst enemies, and then, to make 
matters more difficult, the police, we are told, instead of furnish- 
ing protection, often, themselves, joined in the persecution. There 
were many instances, in this early period, where the enthusiastic 
reformers were ill treated and even fatally injured. There was, 
however, some reason for all this persecution. A movement so 
sudden and apparently so contrary to existing institutions, needed 
time for its real principle to become known. The external mani- 
festation seemed to consist of nothing but defiant disregard of 
established religious custom and ceremonial. Thus, while the 
vital principle of love for humanity was working its way into 
individual lives and attracting them to the ranks of the organiza- 
tion, the world at large openly showed its antagonism. Gradu- 
ally, however, the sense of public opposition and antagonism grew 
less. Gradually the knowledge that, behind the superficial emo- 
tionalism, were depths of disinterested sympathy for fellow men 
and women worked itself into the public mind. Attacks on Army 
groups on street corners became less frequent, and when they 



12 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

did occur, were suppressed by the police. The press ceased 
its bitter criticism. 

It was about this time that renewed and increased attention 
was focused on the new movement by the publication in 1890 of 
General Booth's famous book, "In Darkest England, and the 
Way Out." In some ways the book served to mark a new epoch 
in the development of that part of practical sociology which 
concerns itself with the direct betterment of the lower class of 
society. The old method of dealing with the poor is ably de- 
scribed by Ruskin, when he says: 

"We make our relief either so insulting to them, or so painful 
that they rather die than take it at our hands; or, for third alter- 
native, we leave them so untaught and foolish, that they starve like 
brute creatures, wild and dumb, not knowing what to do, or what 
to ask." (1) 

This was a point of view which in its relation to the de- 
graded elements of society was an expression of sympathy rather 
than of harsh criticism and mistrust. Although it had been set 
forth by others previously, it had never before forced itself so 
strongly on the public. In addition, the daring statements and 
bold theories, given utterance in "Darkest England," served to 
surprise all schools of reform. The public consciousness had 
never before faced the problem in such a way. It was aroused, 
and began to ask questions. The book ran through edition 
after edition. It was printed in a cheap form and within a 
short time was circulated all over the civilized world. 

In his "scheme" General Booth laid down seven fundamental 
principles, which he claimed were essential to success. They 
were as follows: 

"1. The first principle that must be bore in mind, as govern- 
ing every scheme that may be put forward, is that it must 
change the man, when it is his character and conduct which 
constitute the reasons for his failure in the battle of life. 



(1) : "Sesame and Lillies," p. 101. Cf. also "The New Movement in 
Charity," Am. Jour. Soc. Ill, p. 596. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 13 

2. The remedy, to be effectual, must change the circumstances 
of the individual, when they are the cause of his wretched con- 
dition, and lie beyond his control. 

3. Any remedy worthy of consideration must be on a scale 
commensurate with the evil with which it proposes to deal. 

4. Not only must the scheme be large enough, but it must be 
permanent. 

5. But while it must be permanent, it must be made practicable. 

6. The indirect features of the scheme must not be such as to 
produce injury to the persons whom we seek to benefit. 

7. While assisting one class of the community, it must not seri- 
ously interfere with the interests of another. ( 1 ) 

General Booth's personal attitude, also, is well worth noting. 
In the preface of his book he makes the following statement : 

"I do not claim that my scheme is either perfect in its details, 
or complete in the sense of being adequate to combat all forms of 
gigantic evils, against which it is, in the main, directed. Like other 
human things, it must be perfected through suffering; but it is a 
sincere endeavor to do something, and to do it on principles, which 
can be instantly applied and universally developed." (2.) 

And again, in view of some of the manifestations of the or- 
ganization as we see it, the following is interesting, as coming 
from its founder. He says : "But one of the grimmest social 
problems of our time should be sternly faced, not with a view to 
the generation of profitless emotions, but with a view to its solu- 
tion." (3) 

Upon the publication of this book there arose a division of 
opinion in regard to the scheme which was set forth. On the 
one hand, numbers of noted philanthropists aided General Booth 
with money and moral support. On the other hand, there was 
opposition from a certain class of reformers, headed by that 
eminent scientist, Thomas Huxley. This opposition, however, 



(1) 

(2) 

(3) 



"In Darkest England," pp. 85-87. 
Ibid., preface. 
Ibid., p. 15. 



14 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

did not so much attack the principles advocated, as the agency 
for their application, namely, the Salvation Army, itself, char- 
acterized in Huxley's words as "Autocratic socialism, masked by 
its theological exterior." (i) 

From that time to the present many thoughtful men have 
continued this opposition to the Army as an agent of social ser- 
vice. Further on we shall consider the validity and strength 
of their arguments. At that time the press on all sides took 
up the controversy, and it was finally decided to appoint a com- 
mittee of investigation to thoroughly examine the Army's meth- 
ods and institutions and publish a report. This committee 
was composed of some of the leading business and public men 
of England, headed by Sir Wilfred Lawson. They examined the 
books of the Army and studied the system and methods of the 
movement. They reported that all was entirely satisfactory and 
not only so, but that the movement and work was worthy of 
commendation. (2) 

The report of this Committee, together with a demonstration 
of the work already accomplished, served to silence the critics 
to some extent, and public favor began to turn toward the move- 
ment. Since that period the Army has had, generally speaking, 
the support of the press and many of the leading men throughout 
the world, a support which it has not been slow to recognize, 
or to utilize. For instance, about this time, we find the follow- 
ing appeal issued through the English press : 

"From personal witness or credible report of what General 
Booth has done with the funds entrusted to him for the Social 
Scheme which he laid before the country eighteen months ago, we 
think it would be a serious evil if the great task which he has un- 
dertaken should be crippled by lack of help during the next four 



(1) : "Social Diseases and Worse Remedies." 

(2) : "The committee of 1902 which inquired into certain aspects of the 
Darkest England Scheme two years after its initiation, were careful to 
state that they did not enter upon any consideration of the many economic 
questions affecting the maintenance of the system sought to be carried 
out." (The Salvation Army and the Public, p. 121.) 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 15 

months. We therefore venture to recommend his work to the 
generous support of all, who feel the necessity for some serious 
and concentrated effort to grapple with the needs of the most 
wretched and destitute, who have so long been the despair of our 
legislation and our philanthropy." 

This appeal was signed by the Earl of Aberdeen, who was 
then Governor-General of Canada, and fifteen other men and 
women of international reputation. As an example of the atti- 
tude of the press, we find the London Daily Telegraph, in the 
midst of a long editorial entitled, "The General's Triumph," 
saying, "There is no question about it, the General has become 
popular. He has justified himself by results. We are told he 
has not shown the way out, but few have done so much to 
let the light in, and to bring with it life and healing." (1.) 
Since the publication of "In Darkest England" in 1890, the social 
work of the Army has been extended, and has grown very 
rapidly. (2.) 

In connection with this rapid growth, the social phase of the 
movement has tended to eclipse the spiritual in the public eye. 
The Army has taken advantage of this to advertise its advance- 
ment along all lines, and there is reason for believing that the 
public support of the whole movement, both social and spiritual, 
at the present time, is largely due to this advertising. (3.) 
In any case, the social work of the Army is a movement large 
enough to justify the interest of the public, and the extensive 
study of every student of practical social economy. 



(1) : "London Daily Telegraph," July 6, 1904. 

(2) : In fifteen years, from 1890 to 1905, the sc:ial work grew from a 
few small scattered institutions, to 687 institutions, many of which alone 
would have greater accommodation than the total in 1890. 

(3) : See "The S. A. and the Public," ch. 3. 



16 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

CHAPTER I. 

The Salvation Army Industrial Department. 

Originally the work now known as the Industrial Work was 
handled with and under the same management as the Social 
Work, but as the movement grew, the Industrial Work branched 
out and finally became separate in operation and management, 
the name "Social Department" being retained for the hotel work 
only. 

The Industrial Department itself may be divided into three 
sections, all under the same management. These are The In- 
dustrial Home, The Industrial Store and The Industrial Colony. 
The object of the work embraced in these three divisions as 
stated in the prospectus sent out by the Army two years ago is : 

"One of the most difficult problems that has confronted the Sal- 
vation Army has been the finding of employment for out-of-works 
and human derelicts in our cities. A system has been gradually 
organized by which this human waste is employed in collecting the 
material waste of the city. This latter has been sorted, sifted and 
sold, and temporary employment thus afforded to thousands of 
stranded persons, who have thus been tided over periods of dis- 
tress, relieved of immediate suffering, saved from the stigma of 
paupers, assured of human sympathy, and given a new start in 
life." (i.) 

After a careful review of the various divisions of this work, 
above mentioned, we shall consider whether the object is being 
attained, and of what value the work done is to society. 

In the formation of the Industrial Home the ideal building 
and situation cannot always be secured ; hence there are differ- 
ences in the planning and disposition of the different homes. 
The general plan, however, is to have a three or four-story 
building fitted up as follows : On the ground floor is a space 



(i) : "Prospectus of the Salvation Army Industrial Homes Company. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. ly 

where the wagons filled with waste materials can unload, a 
large room where furniture can be repaired and stored (unless 
this is done in the basement below), an office, and another large 
room to be used for a retail store. On the second floor is the 
sorting room, and adjoining or connected with it is the baling 
room, where such stuff as paper, rags and excelsior is pressed, 
ready to be taken away. On this floor, too, is to be found the 
kitchen, the dining room and the reading room. On the third 
floor are situated the dormitories and sleeping rooms. This 
plan is often varied. Sometimes there is a basement and only 
one or two stories above. Sometimes, as in the Forty-eighth 
Street home in New York, there are six or seven stories, and 
sometimes, as in one home in Chicago, the sleeping and living 
quarters of the men are entirely separate from the warehouse 
where they work, possibly some blocks away. The kitchen is 
nearly always found to be large and furnished with a good 
range and other facilities. Th dining room contains long, plain 
tables, set so that the men can sit on both sides. The dishes 
are of thick, strong ware. The food is plain but good. Every- 
thing from the floor to the dishes is usually clean. 

The sleeping rooms are of two kinds, individual rooms and 
dormitories. Those men who are of a better rank, that is, those 
who have been working long, or who are doing a higher grade 
of work, and those who have "boss" positions, occupy the 
separate rooms ; while the general class of workers sleep in the 
dormitories. When it comes to the question of pure air, con- 
siderable difficulty arises. Some of the separate rooms have no 
outside window, though the partitions between the rooms rise 
only to a certain height, thus giving common air to the whole 
floor. Even where good ventilation facilities exist, it seems 
difficult to make the men keep the windows open. As regards 
ventilation, however, the industrial homes are, as a rule, better 
than the lower class workingman's hotels, and are improving in 
this respect. The beds are iron, single beds. The bed clothing 
and the rooms themselves are clean and fumigated regularly. 



18 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

A reading room is also provided where daily papers and popu- 
lar magazines are kept, and where the men may write. In 
some cases, a smoking room adjoins. Meetings of a devotional 
character, to which the men may come or not as they see fit, 
are often held in the reading room. 

The support that renders the industrial home possible is the 
waste product of the city. This material is rubbish of all kinds 
imaginable. In connection with each industrial plant are kept 
a number of horses and wagons, mostly one-horse wagons. 
Each driver of a wagon has a definite route to cover regularly. 
Passing over his route, he collects everything of which people are 
glad to be rid. Waste paper, old clothes, old furniture, and the 
like, are the principal articles he collects. Many good people, 
persuaded of the good work the Army is doing, save up their 
store of odds and ends until the Army -wagon shall call, often 
giving things away which they would not have thrown away or 
given any one else, unless it would be to sell them to an old- 
clothes man. The driver returns with his load to the warehouse. 
From his wagon the material is conveyed by means of an elevator 
to the sorting room in the second story, whence the greater quan- 
tity goes at once to the baling machine in the form of waste 
paper. Any articles that may be of use, such as shoes, clothing 
of any kind, books, crockery-ware, bottles, pots, kettles, etc., are 
placed in their respective bins and finally, repaired, find their 
way to the retail store. Heavy articles, such as stoves and fur- 
niture, do not go up in the elevator, but are retained on the first 
floor, where they go, first to the repairing and storage room, and 
then out to the stores. The paper and rags, when baled, are 
sold to the nearest paper mill for a good price. Some idea of 
the amount of this class of material may be gained from the 
fact that the average amount of paper sold by the Industrial 
Department in the United States is about 2,500 tons per month. 

In England and other countries this work has not assumed 
such large proportions, but there is some difference between the 
workings of the industrial plant in the City of London and in 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 19 

New York. For instance, at the Salvation Army plant on Han- 
bury Street, Whitechapel, London, we found, in 1906, a planing 
mill, a paint and furniture shop, a mattress factory, and a saw- 
mill and cabinet shop. This place had employment for ninety 
men, of whom twelve were regularly employed and the re- 
mainder were transients. The regular employees were paid at a 
union rate of wages. The men of this industrial plant lived some 
distance away on Quaker Street, having possession of part of the 
Salvation Army shelter or hotel there, the total accommodation 
of which was two hundred and forty. Again, in a different part 
of the city, over near Deptford, was a wood yard with good 
machinery, run by electricity, which employed anywhere from 
sixty to seventy men making kindling wood. On the other hand, 
at the "Spa Road Elevator," was a plant almost identical with 
the industrial plants in the United States, where were shipped 
out an average of 100 pounds of paper every week and sev- 
eral tons of rags in addition, and where was accommodation for 
some two hundred men. 

Branching out from the main industrial plant are nearly al- 
ways to be found large stores. These are Salvation Army re- 
tail stores. These stores are found in the poorest sections of 
the city, and are patronized by the poorest class. Articles of 
all descriptions may be purchased here at a very low figure. In 
each store is a furniture department ; a clothing department for 
men, women and children; a toy department; a department 
for stoves, pots, etc., and sometimes other departments varying 
with the size of the store. It is possible, thus, for a poor family 
moving into the neighborhood to completely furnish themselves 
and their home from Salvation Army stores at a cost of often 
less than one-half of what they would pay elsewhere. Each 
store has a definite connection with the central industrial plant, 
from which it receives its supplies, its workers and its govern- 
ment, for the stores are merely branches of the central work, 
and all are under the same general managment. 



20 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

An interesting feature lies in an examination of the labor which 
is employed. From the cases given at the end of the chapter, 
it will be seen that it consists of all kinds, classes and nationalities, 
who, through their own recklessness, or by unfortunate cir- 
cumstances, have fallen into want. A man willing to work comes 
to the Army in want of food and shelter, and the Army hap- 
pens to have accommodation for him. He may go to one of the 
men's hotels or to the industrial home, or to the central agency 
of the Army. In any case he will probably be interviewed by an 
officer specially detailed for the purpose, who will be able to 
decide in short time what his needs are, and what can be done 
for him. He may be sent out at once to take some position se- 
cured through the employment bureau; he may be sent to the 
hotel with the understanding that, after being fed and cared for, 
he will be given an opportunity to pay for it in work; or he 
may be sent straight to the industrial home. In any case, if pos- 
sible, he is put to work. He may be in a weak condition physi- 
cally or mentally, or both, but even then, he can often do 
something; such, for example, as picking over paper and rags 
in the sorting room. Meanwhile, he is being fed and housed. If 
he means well and works earnestly, he is soon able to do some 
other grade of work. He may have had technical knowledge 
which will help him. In a few days, possibly, a call is made 
to the employment bureau, which is maintained in conjunction 
with each home or group of homes, for a man to fill some posi- 
tion. If suitable, this man may be sent out to take it. On the 
other hand, he may be retained in the home and employed per- 
manently as a driver on one of the wagons, or as overseer and 
instructor in one of the rooms, or he may be sent out as assistant 
to one of the stores, and, in time, he may be given charge of 
a store. When the men first come to the home, they receive 
board and clothing and some remuneration, although very slight. 
If they continue to work at the home, they are paid wages ranging 
from $1.00 per week up to $4.00 or $5.00 per week, besides 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 21 

board and lodging in the United States, and from is. to 9s. in 
England. 

When a man is able, but is lazy and not willing to work, he 
is turned out. It is well known to those who have studied the 
question, that there are a large number of such men, but this 
class does not apply for help as often as it might to the Army, 
as it soon learns the uselessness of so doing. The officers be- 
come quite adept in seeing these men in their true colors. On 
the other hand, if a man drops into bad habits and goes off on 
a spree after he has been helped, he will be taken in again after- 
wards, and this is continued within reason. Much of the labor 
employed is a surface and floating population, the result of sea- 
son and periodic work in connection with so many of our in- 
dustries, and the men are just tided over a hard time in their 
experiences. This class is larger sometimes than at others, but 
is always in evidence. Another class, however, consists of the 
men who have fallen through their own recklessness and bad 
habits. Some of these men are sent out to positions which they 
fill creditably, and finally rise as high or higher than they were 
before. Naturally, the Army makes as much as possible out of 
these cases for the purpose of advertisement. Owing to evident 
difficulties, it is impossible to ascertain just what percentage 
there is of this class among the total number helped, or what 
percentage of this class itself is successfully aided. The industrial 
work itself, as a paying business, is developing so fast that a 
constantly increasing number of men are permanently retained 
and used as regular employes, being paid regular wages. 

When we come to the industrial colony, we find it entirely 
different from the farm colony, where families are sent to settle 
upon the land in tracts of say twenty acres per family. The in- 
dustrial colony is managed like a large farm with many laborers, 
all under one central head. The original idea was to graduate 
men from the city plants to the industrial colonies and thence 
to the farm colonies, but the Army has had difficulty in maintain- 
ing its colonies at all, and, as a result, no regular system has 



22 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

been followed. A large proportion of the men on the industrial 
colony are single, whereas, as will be seen, families are needed 
for the farm colonies. Again, many of these men are not the 
kind who will succeed on the farm colony. Sometimes, too, they 
have not been through the city plant, and sometimes they are 
men sent directly from the city to get them out of temptations 
which are too strong for them. 

The best example of an industrial colony is the one at Had- 
leigh, about thirty miles from London, England. This colony 
has an area of about 3,000 acres. One thousand acres is almost 
useless now ; and when taken by the Army in 1890, the whole con- 
sisted of almost worthless land, some of which, as a result of 
constant labor and fertilization, has been transformed into rea- 
sonably good land. A great draw-back and a great expense 
has been the lack of water, now partially supplied by two artesian 
wells, the cheaper of which cost over $20,000.00. (1.) The popu- 
lation varies from 300 to 700. (2.) In 1898, 775 men were 
admitted to the colony. Out of this number, 193 left after a short 
residence before they could be influenced for good; 47 were dis- 
charged as incorrigible, and 309 graduated, obtaining situations 
or being restored to their friends. (3.) There are three classes 
received at the colony: 

1. Those sent by the Army agencies. 

2. Those sent by poor law authorities who pay from 5s. to 10s. 
per week for periods of from three to twelve months for their 
maintenance. 

3. Special cases sent by philanthropic societies, or by relatives 
or others. (4.) 



(1) : "The Poor and the Land," p. 130. 

(2) : Haggard places it at 500 in 1905; at the time of my visit, May, 
1906, it was about 300. 

(3) : "Hadleigh," p. 52. 

(4) : "The Poor and the Land," p. 127. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 23 

Another division is made into four classes, thus : 

1. Those coming and passing off in a month, not being regu- 
lar colonists. 

2. Those averaging nine months on the colony, and called 
colonists. 

3. Picked men from the second class, who are made employees. 

4. Employees hired in the neighborhood for specific pur- 
poses. (1.) 

The proportion of each, according to either specification, is 
such a variable quantity that nothing can be determined satis- 
factorily. According to one officer's statement, about one in 
every five is considered an employee. (2.) In the winter o* 
1903-4, 209 men were sent to Hadleigh and supported there by 
a special fund, called "The Mansion House Fund for the Relief 
of the London Unemployed." (3.) Out of the class sent by the 
Army agencies to the colony, a certain number are sent out as 
emigrants to Canada. For instance, in 1905, 41 were sent out, 
and in 1906, 58. The party of 58 was composed of five Irishmen, 
one Welshman, three Scotchmen, and forty-nine Englishmen. 
These men go to work on different farms in Canada, and some 
sent out in previous years now have homesteads there. In the 
colony there are five departments, viz. : the market garden, the 
brick-making department, the dairy department together with 
the piggery, the poultry department, and the Inebriate's Home. 
There is also a store which has an income of $1,000.00 a month. 
The market garden is one of the best industries, most of the 
produce being sold in the town of Southend, four miles distant. 
In the busy season, as many as 100 workers are found in this 
department. There are four large conservatories, especially for 
tomatoes and flowers. A good many potatoes are raised, and 
there is a good deal of land in berries and orchard. There are 



(1) : "The S. A. and the Public," pp. 113-114 

(2) : Ibid., p. 114. 

(3) : Ibid., p. 105. 



24 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

three brick-yards with the latest improved kilns and machinery. 
These yards have been a very heavy expense and have not been 
satisfactory. For instance, in 1898, the year's sale of bricks 
amounted to £471 7, while the expenditure of this department 
was £5563, this latter sum including the expense of repairing 
the drying fields, which that year were injured by a flood. (1) 
In the dairy department about twenty-five head of cattle provide 
the colony with milk and butter, while sometimes milk is sold at 
Southend. In the piggery the number of hogs runs from 200 
to 500. The poultry department is given over to prize poultry 
breeding and has been successful in winning some noted prizes. 
The Inebriate's Home is licensed for twenty male inebriates who 
are charged from 25s. to 30s. per week. Between 60% and 
70% are stated to be reclaimed after an average period of eight 
months' treatment. In addition to these departments it might be 
noted that there is a school on the colony with an attendance 
of 100, some of whom come from outside the colony, and a good 
sized hall, seating about 400, where gatherings are held for 
social and religious purposes. 

For the feeding and lodging of the colonists, large prepara- 
tions are made. They are graded according to their position in 
the colony, and an opportunity is given them to rise from the 
lower to the higher grades. The superintendent stated that this 
plan was found useful in stimulating ambition. There are two 
dormitories, both clean and well-kept, but the higher grade with 
better bedding and surroundings than the lower. This grading 
system is also maintained in the dining room, the higher grade 
of colonists being served with better food than the lower. Every- 
thing around the buildings is well-kept and orderly, and the gen- 
eral moral atmosphere of the colony seems to be healthful and 
up-lifting. 

The industrial colony at Ft. Herrick, near Cleveland, Ohio, 
differs in many ways from the one at Hadleigh, and doubtless has 
been instrumental in aiding a good number of outcast and fallen 



(1): "Hadleigh," p. 56. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 2$ 

~men, but it has been such a burden financially, and such an 
unsolved problem in many ways, that it may be considered a 
failure. The reason for its failure is not so much bad manage- 
ment as lack of foresight on the part of those choosing the site. 
The site is in no sense suitable for a colony, the soil being unfit 
for intensive farming. Probably the best work done there has 
been the reformation of drunkards, a work in which, according 
to reports, the colony has been eminently successful. (1) 

Coming now to the management of the Industrial Department 
in the United States, we find that it is an up-to-date business 
enterprise. The department is controlled by a corporation called 
"The Salvation Army Industrial Homes Co." already referred to 
in our introduction. (2) The management of the company is in 
the hands of the Army. (3) Under this central authority, we find 
the United States divided into three districts ; the eastern district, 
with headquarters at New York; the central district with head- 
quarters at Cleveland, and the western district with headquarters 
at Chicago. Each one of these districts has at its head a social 
secretary, and under him are the different officers in charge of the 
respective plants. Generally speaking, each local officer is 
supreme in his individual plant. He can adopt methods and 
means to suit the environment of his district, provided always 
that his methods mean success. There are no iron-clad rules to 
hold him in check beyond a system of bookkeeping and of making 
out detailed reports, which must be sent to headquarters. When 
about to engage in some new venture, however, such as securing 
a new location for his plant, opening up a store, or renting or 
purchasing new property, he must refer the project to his sup- 
erior officer, before undertaking it. The local officer in charge 
has trusted employees under him, such as a warehouse boss, a 



(1) : Apparently no definite data are obtainable regarding these men 
since the time of treatment. 

(2) : Introduction, p. 10. 

(3) : For instance, the president, vice-president and secretary and 
treasurer are all Army officers of high standing. 



26 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

kitchen boss, and stable boss, etc., each of whom is responsible 
to the officer for his department. 

Although present to some extent in other countries the special 
field of the industrial work is the United States. The growth in 
this country during the recent years has been great. In 1896 
there were no regular industrial homes ; in 1904 there were 49 
industrial institutions, and in control of these 49 institutions, 
there were 70 Army officers and 820 regular employees. The 
accommodation was about 1,100. During one month there were 
225 cases that were considered unsatisfactory. There were 239 
horses and wagons in daily use. About 1,000 tons of paper were 
baled and sold per month. Contrast this with the year 1907. In 
this year there were 84 officers engaged in these institutions and 
over 1,200 regular employees. There was accommodation for 
1,651 men. The unsatisfactory cases for the year amounted to 
1,389. There were 460 horses and wagons in daily use. An 
average of 2,500 tons of paper was sold each month. 16,875 
men were placed in outside positions during the year. No large 
city in the United States is without this industrial work, and it 
is to be expected that, within a few years, there will be no city 
in the country with a population of 100,000 that does not have an 
industrial home, and that many cities with a smaller population 
will have one also. Already there are several cities with a 
population of less than 50,000 that have promising industrial 
plants. In London, the growth has not been so rapid, and the 
industrial institutions are run at a loss to the Army, but there are 
about eight industrial plants in that city, and others are to be 
found in other large cities of England. 

We come now to the question of the value of the Salvation 
Army industrial work to society. From the preceding brief out- 
line of the methods, material, labor, management and extent of 
the industrial work, it will be seen that it is a movement, un- 
restricted in scope, with an unlimited field of development as an 
economic enterprise. In certain fields where the Army is active, 
its work is considered of little or no value; but as a result of our 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 2j 

investigation into this particular field, the conclusion is reached 
that, with the exception of the industrial colonies, it is a practical, 
social work, of value to society. 

We make an exception of the industrial colonies because we 
do not consider that the two experiments already tried by the 
Army justify their own continuance or the starting of other 
similar colonies. The reference here is to Fort Herrick in Ohio, 
and the Hadleigh Colony, near London. These colonies have 
necessitated a continual sinking of funds contributed by the 
charitable public, and the return does not justify their expense. 
The Army should realize this, and admit the fact, instead of 
drawing wool over the eyes of the ignorant public by the con- 
stant reiteration of "the great work done at Hadleigh and Fort 
Herrick." It looks as though the organization was afraid that 
the infallibility and sanctity of General Booth's pet scheme would 
be seriously impaired, if the public should discover that any part 
of that scheme was a mistake and an unfortunate experiment, 
and that, for this reason, it has continued to expend much 
money on it, which might have been turned to better advantage 
in connection with other parts of General Booth's plan. These 
colonies are object lessons showing what is unwise to attempt, 
rather than what can be done. The Army has no need to be 
ashamed of having made a mistake, and its usefulness along 
other lines is sufficient to maintain its reputation in spite of the 
failure of its industrial colonies. There is no need of the 
industrial colony anyway. The object in view is either to tide 
workless men over a period of hard times and misfortune, or to 
restore manhood where evil habits and recklessness have 
destroyed it, and this can be done and is being done by means 
of the city industrial work without the aid of the colony. As 
regards the work of reforming the inebriate, in which the in- 
dustrial colonies have had some success, that could be carried on 
without the great expense of a regular colony. 

The moral field of the city industrial work derives support from 
the relation of its management to the spiritual work and influence 



28 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

of the Army. The influence and spirit of the whole organization 
runs to a certain extent through every branch of its varied de- 
velopments. This influence cannot be described by comparative 
means. The spirit, somewhat unique in itself, runs through 
everything, a spirit which is a mixture and blending of love, 
gratitude, service and patience. While we think that, in the 
tendency of this branch to become a business enterprise, there is 
a considerable decrease in the influence just described, it still has 
great power. The officers and employees now engaged in this 
work were themselves not long since outcasts in society. Many of 
them had despaired of ever making a success of life and were 
simply drifting. But a helping hand had been stretched out to 
them, hope had been imparted and new ideals had been placed 
before them. They might even yet be men, wear decent clothes, 
stand up straight and look their fellow men in the eye ! What 
wonder that the decent clothes to which they looked forward 
turned out to be the uniform of the organization which had picked 
them up from the gutter ! What wonder they felt an eternal debt 
of gratitude toward that organization ! While this is not a true 
expression of their attitude in every case, and while there are 
some who hold their positions simply because they can get no 
better, loyalty to the work exists in enough instances to create a 
distinct moral atmosphere. The men wish to make a success of 
their new work; they wish to see the Army advance, and to do 
this they feel that it is essential that the same moral influence 
which enabled them to become men should be continued. This 
influence moves almost unconsciously among the industrial plants. 
For instance, we do not find here the tendency to obscenity which 
we find in any ordinary factory or workshop. Environment in 
these plants is all-powerful as an uplifting condition. Clean- 
liness is encouraged in the dormitory and kitchen. Respectful 
attention is paid at meals while grace is being said. The reading 
room is frequented, while the occasional meetings held are some- 
times well attended and sometimes not, according to the attraction. 
The emotional religious element is a great deal in evidence, 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 29 

though not so much as in other departments of the Army. In 
any case, the element of hope and ambition, which often arises 
within these social outcasts, making them men once more, is to be 
considered a great moral asset. The moral influence is due more 
to the personality of those in charge than to anything else. A 
large number of the managers have served in connection with 
the Army's spiritual work and have the desire, as they would tell 
you, to see every man under them "saved," not only in a moral 
and social sense, but "saved" in accordance with the Army's 
special significance of that term. (1) While the Army's special 
idea of salvation may have no value in itself, still if the emo- 
tional element assists in the moral and social salvation of in- 
dividuals, we have no reason for not tolerating it unless it has 
evil effects of real importance. Such effects, however, tend to 
decrease, as the movement advances, and the education and 
enlightenment of the masses increase. 

From an economic point of view, we believe that the work of 
the Industrial Department has been successful. We have seen 
that large numbers of men, who are out of work, are taken in 
by this department and kept for a number of weeks or months, 
and that, during this time, besides making their own support, and 
gaining in efficiency, in many cases, they are able to return to 
a more important part in production. Let us see what this, 
means. While these men are out of work, they are not produc- 
ing anything. They are idle, and thus a loss to the community. In 
addition, they are fast losing any potential ability for production, 
which they have have. But they now become producers, a gain 
to the community, and their potential ability for production is at 
least conserved if not increased. Secondly, out-of-work men are 



(1) : The following extract is taken from the Salvation Army Social 
Gazette of February 5, 1908: "Whether the Officer of the Salvation 
Army takes charge of the industrial home to manage it in the interests of 
the concern, or whether he takes charge of the corps, the one great pur- 
pose of his whole life is to proclaim salvation to all with whom he comes 
in contact." 



30 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

a burden on the community. While they continue to live without 
employment, they must be supported in some way or other by 
private or public charity, and they form a great item of expense 
to the community. But in the hands of the Industrial Depart- 
ment, they cease being an expense to the public and become to 
some extent a gain. Thirdly, some of these men are in danger of 
becoming members of pseudo-social and anti-social classes ; it is 
from them that the pauper and criminal classes gain recruits. 
But through the elevating environment of this branch of the 
Army's work, their character is affected, and they are raised to a 
higher level. In this way then, in sucessful cases, the worthless 
men become workmen. Worthless men are changed into economic 
assets. The dependents become independent. Working by means 
of the laws of environment and association, the Army elevates 
the degenerate from a pseudo-social and anti-social class to a 
higher level and to social position. Where individuality was lost, 
independence of character reasserts itself. 

Let us consider in detail some of the advantages connected 
with this form of practical philanthrophy. One advantage is, that 
once started, the work continues and increases without further 
expenditure on the part of the charitably disposed public beyond 
the giving away of things for which they have no further use. 
This is so because the Army here in its work becomes an effi- 
cient producer and creates articles which have market value. 
Leaving all charity alone, the work is paying and more than self- 
supporting, and thus in a short time will be reimbursed with all 
the money which was necessary to initiate it. In nearly every 
city in which the work was started, rented property soon gives 
place to property owned by the Army and poor ill-suited build- 
ings, to up-to-date structures built for the purpose. An example 
of this is to be found in the history of the 48th Street Industrial 
Home in New York City which is briefly described, in the ex- 
amples given at the end of this chapter. (1) That the entire 



(1) : See p. 36. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 31 

work has grown self-supporting in the United States is shown 
by the fact that last year, 1907, there was a net gain of $21,000, 
after the interest on the loans and investments had been paid. If 
a home does not show signs of being successful financially, its 
location will be changed or it will be discontinued. (1) 

Another advantage lies in the fact that men who were 
socially dependent are made self-supporting. We should place 
emphasis on the effect on the man himself as well as on the 
community. We saw how these men were given to understand 
that they were earning their own livelihood and were not 
recipients of charity, and how they were encouraged by the 
receipt of wages, to be increased as their productiveness increased. 
The relief given is true relief in that the man earns it himself and 
realizes this fact, and because, along with this realization, comes 
a return of manhood and independence. Of course if men have 
lost all manhood and have no desire to be independent, but simply 
to live as easily as possible on what may be given them, the above 
is not the result; but few such get into the industrial homes, as 
they know better and have no wish to work as these men do, and 
if they get in temporarily, they are soon sorted out. Thus it can- 
not be said of these homes as is said of many institutions, that 
they pauperize men in place of helping them. The institution 
that makes men work for everything they get and provides 
some sort of channel for their ambition, maintaining itself mean- 
while as a paying concern, is not pauperizing in its tendency. 

Still another advantage of this work is found in the saving 
of the community's funds. Of late years, more and more, the 
principle has been advanced and brought before the public, that 
the starving and unemployed are to be cared for in some way, 



(1) : We think that this would probably be done, even though the 
presence of the home in the particular locality was a great boon to the 
poor, and although this would be contrary to the principles of the or- 
ganization, so strong is the idea which the company has of financial suc- 
cess. This further strengthens the idea that the movement is drifting 
from its original purpose of uplifting the down-fallen humanity to the 
purpose of perpetuating and extending itself as an economic enterprise. 



32 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

and we are willing to tax ourselves to provide for this. As far 
back as the census of 1890, we find that the United States spent 
annually $40,000,000 in charities and over $12,000,000 in penal 
and reformatory institutions. Probably the total expenditure for 
these two objects to-day would be nearer $60,000,000 annually.. 
What percentage of this $60,000,000 would go to the class of 
people aided by the Army industrial work would be hard to ascer- 
tain or approximate, but there is room for a great extension of 
this kind of work, and the Army's efforts are most suggestive. 
In some of the European countries, especially Germany, many 
helpful experiments along this line are in. progress, but con- 
ditions in the United States are vastly different. In any case 
social economists are agreed that vast sums are spent annually 
in our country to little or no purpose from the point of view of 
social relief. In the year 1907, 8,696 men were cared for in the 
United States industrial homes of the Army. This means just 
that amount of saving to the nation that it would have cost the 
regular municipal and state charities to have dealt with these 
8,696 men, since these men were aided by a self-supporting 
organization and paid for their own support. This work, then, 
if carried far enough, would effect quite a saving of taxes. 

But along with advantages there may be disadvantages. Some 
objections have been raised to this branch of the Army's work. 
For instance, it is stated that industries entered into by the Army 
tend to hurt economic conditions with regard to both wages and 
prices. (1) With regard to wages it is urged that the Army will 
keep for its industries, workers in constraint of one kind or an- 
other, paying them a lower wage than the same workers could 
procure outside, and thus lowering the wages in the respective 
industries. We do not consider this objection a strong one. 
Let us forget for the present the philanthropic side of the in- 
dustrial work, and look on it as a distinctly economic enterprise, 
as a factor of production. We think it quite likely that a 
manager, anxious above everything else to make his institution 



(1) : See "The S. A. and the Public," pp. 121 to 130. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 33 

a financial success, would make an endeavor to keep as long 
as possible, and at as low wages as possible, men who could 
receive more on the outside. He might even try to retain men 
for whom he could secure better positions through the employ- 
ment bureau, if he needed their services, and times were so good 
that no other applicant offered to take their place, but this he 
could not succeed in doing to any serious extent ; for, in the first 
place, the restraint exercised over the men is very slight, and 
secondly, if the men could secure better wages, it would not be 
long before they found it out and left the home voluntarily. It 
would be just the same as in any industry in which most of the 
workers are ignorant. They would remain under low wages 
just as long as their ignorance and lack of initiative would allow, 
but sooner or later the relatively able man would seek the best 
wage. Hence the able man would seek the best wage, and his 
place would be taken by one, possibly morally and physically 
unable to procure any wage, or, in other words, belonging to the 
unemployable class. If it should come to the point of the Army's 
hiring able men to carry on the work without aiding the out- 
casts, it must compete in the market for them and pay the market 
price. The only real danger would lie in the Army's industrial 
work securing a strong enough position in some industry to be 
able to dictate terms to labor in an industry, but this is so unlikely 
as to be almost irrelevant and even in such an almost incon- 
ceivable case, the danger would be only temporary. Labor would 
still be able to drift sufficiently to another agency, not controlled 
by the Army and thus bring up wages again. This is the more 
true in that any industry, in which the Army engages, must of 
necessity be one in which unskilled labor is competent. (1.) In 
addition to this, from personal investigation, we can state that 
a large part of the labor employed in these plants of the Army 
is at any rate temporarily inefficient labor and would not have 
much chance in securing employment elsewhere. Finally, 



(1) : A typical industry instanced to support this objection was the 
manufacture of fire wood. See "The S. A. and the Public," p. 124. 



34 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

though considered a charitable work, this branch of the army is, 
as already stated, a corporation, a business enterprise financed by 
investors who receive interest on their investments; hence, to 
the same extent that it is a financial enterprise, like other such 
enterprises, it will be governed by the rate of wages, (i) 

Another objection has been raised by critics, to the effect that 
the Army, through its industry, enters into competition with ex- 
isting firms and companies to the harm of the latter. (2) For 
instance they urge that in the case of those engaged in second- 
hand goods and salvage, who are able to make a profit by buying 
their material, the army enters into an unfair competition, when 
it takes such material, given in charity, and sells at a lower 
figure. In so far as the army does undersell others this objection 
is valid, and we have no doubt that in some cases such is the 
truth. Doubtless some individuals and firms have been hurt in 
their business by this under-selling. For instance, in Chicago, 
the Army has nine retail stores situated in the poorer districts, 
doing a big business in second hand goods. In addition to those 
goods it sends into the retail trade, it sells hundreds of tons of 
paper and rags annually. This must have some effect on others 
engaged in this business. However, the Army itself sometimes 
pays for its material and does not often undersell. (3) But there 

(1) : The criticism here of course would be that, to the extent that 
the army applies donations from the public to this industrial work, to 
that extent it has an advantage over another business enterprise and dif- 
fers from it just to that extent in which it secures capital on which it 
need pay no interest or return. To what extent this is done, we have 
been unable to ascertain, but the Army is paying interest to investors who 
furnish money to carry on this work. This point is dealt with somewhat 
in the next paragraph. 

(2) : See "The S. A. and the Public," pp. 122 to 127. Also "The So- 
cial Relief Work of the S. A.," pp. 11 and 12. 

(3) : Several leading officers have stated that they never undersell pa- 
per or rags, the largest part of their business, and that the only under- 
selling done by them is in the retail store and that this is slight. They 
justify themselves by the fact that the regular second-hand men are 
tricksters and will rob the poor of their money, in most cases carrying 
on a pawn shop, which the Army never does. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 35 

is another side to this question of underselling. Naturally the 
tendency is to get as much as possible for its goods, and provided 
there is a market, the army would seek to obtain just as much as 
any one else in the business. It now falls back on a question of 
supply and demand. The only way in which the price would be 
lowered by the Salvation Army would be by an increase of supply. 
Doubtless the supply of these goods is increased by the thorough 
work of the Army agents, and, to such an extent, its entrance 
into this field would tend to lower prices. However, in the lead- 
ing salvage industries of the army, the increase in supply does no 
more than offset the increase in demand. The amount of dis- 
placement of the salvage and allied industries due to the com- 
petition of the army at present would not seem to be much, 
although of course it is difficult to get any exact figures along this 
line. 

Looking at the Salvation Army retail store as a form of relief, 
another question arises as to whether the opportunity given to 
the residents of the district to get things at the Salvation Army's 
store cheaper than elsewhere interferes with the standard of 
living. By the standard of living we mean the scale or measure 
of comfort and satisfaction which a person or a community of 
persons regards as indispensable to happiness. (1) This would 
differ in the case of different persons and classes and com- 
munities, but progress demands that the standard should never 
be lowered, but should always be raised, in accord with increas- 
ing enlightenment and education. 

"It is only," says Dr. Devine, "when individuals or individual 
families for personal or exceptional or temporary reasons fall 
below the standard, that charitable assistance can effectively in- 
tervene. In other words, as has been pointed out in other connec- 
tions, the relieving policy cannot be made to raise the general 
standard of living, but it should be so established as not to de- 
press it" (2). 



(1) : See Seager, "Introduction to Economics," p. 234. 

(2) : See "Principles of Relief," p. 35. 



36 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

Here, then, the point is, whether those who are otherwise able 
to come up to the standard of living in a given community take 
advantage of this form of charity, or whether the customers of the 
Salvation Army's stores are living below that standard. To just 
the extent that the former is true, this part of the work would be 
pauperizing and retrogressive, but we do not consider the 
former to be true. Naturally, we have no statistics on this 
point, but speaking from general observation, we should say 
that the customers of these stores are needy poor, who are living 
below the standard, and hence, the store is a boon to them in 
aiding them toward a realization of that standard. 

Let us now sum up our conclusions regarding the industrial 
work of the Army. Regarding the industrial colonies, we would 
say that, while doubtless responsible for good and reformation 
in certain cases, nevertheless, owing to their cost of maintenance 
and the fact that the work can be done without them, they are 
not a practical form of charity deserving the intelligent support 
of the public. Regarding the city industrial work, including the 
employment, amid a good environment, of men out of work, in- 
cluding also the turning of much otherwise waste matter into 
an economic good, and the assistance of deserving poor by means 
of second-hand stores, we would say that it is commendable and 
deserving of support. This latter conclusion is made in spite of 
three objections: first, that there is a tendency to lower wages, 
which objection we do not consider as important for reasons 
given; second, that underselling of certain commodities by the 
Army takes place, which objection we admit to a limited extent, 
and third, that the standard of living is interfered with, which 
objection we do not consider valid. 

Examples of Men in the Army Industrial Homes. ' 

These examples were collected by Mr. Jas. Ward at the two 
industrial homes situated on West 19th Street and West 48th 
Street, New York City, during the months of March and April, 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 37 

1908. Mr. Ward worked right with the men whose cases are 
given here, and slept in the homes, thus being with them night 
and day. The home on West 19th Street was an old milk depot 
rented temporarily by the Army to aid the unemployed during 
the winter, and had accommodation for two hundred men. 
Everything was very crude. The men slept on the floor, some 
without blankets. They were required to work from three to five 
hours every day, and during the rest of the day, they were 
allowed to go out and seek for work. The best of these men 
were drafted out to fill the vacancies in the regular industrial 
homes of the Army as they occurred. On the other hand, the 
home on West 48th Street was and is one of the Army's best 
homes, built for. the purpose by the Army in 1907, at a cost of 
$130,000.00. Everything here is arranged for comfort and clean- 
liness. The dormitory is of the best, with good ventilation and 
other sanitary conditions. It is a seven-story building, and has 
accommodation for one hundred and seventy-five men. Twenty- 
two wagons are sent out from this home every day. In every way 
it is a contrast with the West 19th Street home, hence the 
examples will show some difference, according to which home 
they refer. 

No. 1. 

Born in Ireland. Thirty-eight years old. Single. Had no 
trade. Had worked on a farm in Ireland. Had been in this 
country fourteen years and had worked somewhat on a farm in 
this country. Had been out of work two months. Lost his 
position through an accident and spent three weeks in the hospital. 
Had since been in the Army Industrial Home for five weeks, and 
was growing stronger. His appearance was very good. 

No. 2. 

Born in France. Thirty-five years old. Single. Had people 
in France but never heard from them. Had no trade. Out of 



38 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

work all winter. Worked on a farm a little in France. In this 
country fifteen years. Several charitable societies had helped 
him and he had been in the Industrial Home eight days. The 
Army gave him clothing and shoes. He looked like a drinking 
man, but otherwise capable. 

No. 3. 

Born in Italy. Thirty years old. Married. Had wife in Italy. 
Left there two years ago, and said he was going to send for his 
wife when he got the money. He had worked on a farm in Italy, 
and had worked at different trades in this country. Had been 
out of work nine weeks. Had been in the Industrial Home two 
days. Spoke good English. Looked dirty and without much 
intelligence. 

No. 4. 

Born in South Carolina. Twenty-three years old. Single. 
Trade of a plumber. Left his people five months ago and came 
to New York. Soon spent his money and could find no work. 
Had been in the Industrial Home three weeks. Said he was go- 
ing home as soon as he could get the money. Never worked on 
a farm. Looked capable. 

No. 5. 

Born in Germany. Forty-two years old. Single. Had been in 
this country twenty-five years and had followed the water nearly 
all the time. Got in a fight on the Bowery six months ago and 
spent five months in jail. Since coming out, he had had odd 
jobs, and had been in the Industrial Home about two weeks. 
Looked shiftless and dissipated. 

No. 6. 

Born in Denver, Colo. American parents. Twenty-six years 
old. Single. Had people in Philadelphia who did not help him. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 39 

Machinist by trade. Belonged to the union in Philadelphia. Out 
of work ten weeks. Said he had $100.00 but it did not last long. 
Had been in the Industrial Home two days and expected work 
shortly. Appearance was very good. 

No. 7. 

Born in Ireland. Forty years old. Married. Had left his 
family. Had no trade. In this country eight years. Never 
worked in the country. Out of work all winter. Spent three 
weeks in the hospital. Said he had consumption. Had been in 
the Industrial Home four days. Looked very feeble but not dis- 
sipated. 

No. 8. 

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-six years old. 
Single. People lived in New York, but he had not lived with 
them for three years. Had no trade. Had travelled a little. Said 
he did not like hard work. Had been in the Industrial Home two 
weeks. The Army gave him clothing and shoes. Said the 
missions helped him. Expected to wander West when the weather 
got warm. Looked like a tramp. Never worked in the country. 

No. 9. 

Born in San Francisco. German parents. Fifty-eight years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Said he had beaten his way all 
around the world. Had not worked all winter. In the Industrial 
Home ten days. Looked shiftless and dissipated. Never worked 
in the country. ' 

No. 10. 

Born in Maine. English parents. Twenty-four years old. 
Single. Had people in Maine with whom he quarreled. Had no 
trade. Out of work for four months. In the Industrial Home 



40 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

one week. Never worked on a farm, but had worked in the 
woods. Did not drink. Looked like a capable man. 

No. ii. 

Born in Philadelphia. Irish parents. Twenty-six years old. 
Single. People in Philadelphia who helped him sometimes. Had 
no trade. Had wandered a good deal. Out of work three 
months. Said he drank whenever he could get liquor. Expected 
to go home shortly. Had been in the Industrial Home three 
days. Looked very shiftless and dissipated. 

No. 12. 

Born in Ireland. Forty-two years old. Single. Had two 
sisters in Brooklyn who were poor. In this country eighteen 
years. Had no regular trade but worked in hotels as porter. 
Out of work five months. Worked on a farm a good deal in 
Ireland. Looked like a vagrant. 

No. 13. 

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-two years 
old. Single. Said he was a truck driver. Had been out of 
work one month. Drank sometimes. Had been in the Industrial 
Home four days. Expected to leave New York as soon as the 
weather became warmer. Looked very wild. 

No. 14. 

Born in Vermont. Mother Irish. Father German. Thirty- 
two years old. Single. He wrote to his people but they did 
not help him. Had travelled around a good deal. Had no trade. 
Said he "got saved" in a mission and they kept him all winter. 
He said every time he got down, he went to the missions and 
stayed as long as he could. Had been in the Industrial Home 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 41 

nine days. Had worked on a farm a little. Looked like a 
vagrant. 

Xo. 15. 

Born in London. Twenty-two years old. Single. Seaman by 
trade. Left his boat one month ago in Xew York and had done 
nothing since. Had been in the Industrial Home two weeks and 
hoped to work his way back to England shortly. His appearance 
was very good. 

Xo. 16. 

Born in New York. American parents. About thirty-five 
years old. Single. Brick-layer by trade. Did not belong to the 
union. Out of work four months. Said he had been to every 
city in the Lnited States and had travelled on freight trains quite 
often. Looked like a tramp. 

No. 17. 

Born in Reading, Penna. American parents. Forty years old. 
Married. Wife dead. One child living with his sister in Penn- 
sylvania. Carpenter by trade. Did not belong to the union. 
Had been out of work all winter. All his tools were in pawn. The 
Army had been helping him at times. Said he had to leave his 
child on account of not working. He looked like a very hard 
drinker. Had never worked in the country. 

No. 18. 

Born in Albany, N. Y. American parents. Thirty-five years 
old. Single. Quarrelled with his people. Had not been home 
for ten years. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. The 
missions and the Army had helped him a good deal. Had been 
in the Industrial Home three days. Never worked in the country. 
Looked dissipated. 



42 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

No. 19. 

Born in Ireland. Thirty years old. Single. Had people in 
Ireland who were poor. Came to this country eleven years ago. 
Had no trade. Out of work two months. Expected a position in 
Brooklyn the following week. Said he had $60.00 in the bank 
but lost his book and had to wait to get his money. Had been 
in the Industrial Home two days. His appearance was good. 

No. 20. 

Born in Jersey City. Italian parents. Twenty-five years old. 
Single. Quarrelled with his people. Said he had a step-mother 
and could not get along with her. Had been in New York five 
years working at everything. Had no trade. Out of work five 
months. Had saved some money, but it was all gone. Never 
worked in the country. In the Industrial Home five days. Said 
this was the first time he was ever down. Looked like a hope- 
ful case. 

No. 21. 

Born in Philadelphia. Irish parents. Thirty-two years old. 
Married. His wife was working and had paid his board all 
winter, until he came to New York two weeks before on a freight 
train. Had been in the Industrial Home since, and expected to 
return to his wife. Carpet-weaver by trade and belonged to the 
union. Said he drank sometimes, but he looked like a hard 
drinker. Otherwise very good. 

No. 22. 

Born in Brooklyn. American parents. Thirty years old. 
Single. People lived in Brooklyn, but they did not have any- 
thing to do with him. Piano-finisher by trade. Did not belong to 
the union. Was in the army one year and deserted. Out of work 
three months. Came to New York two months ago. Spent all 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 43 

his money, $50.00, in two days. Had been in the Industrial Home 
two weeks. Said he was going to reform and get a steady job. 
Looked like a hard drinker but otherwise capable. 

No. 23. 

Born in Scranton, Penna. German parents. Fifty years old. 
Single. Had one sister and one brother at home, but he did not 
write them. Had no trade. Had travelled all over the United 
States. Seemed to know a mission in every city. Never worked 
in the country. Had been in the Industrial Home some time, and 
said they made him work too hard. Looked like a vagrant. 

No. 24. 

Born in Springfield, Mass. American parents. Forty years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Had not worked for over a year. 
Had been in jail several times for riding freights. Never worked 
in the country. The missions and the Army had helped him 
this winter. Looked like a dissipated character. 

No. 25. 

Born in Germany. Twenty-five years old. Had people in 
Germany who were poor. Left home eight months ago and came 
to New York, with a little money. Had not worked since he left 
home. He spoke broken English. Had no trade. Did not 
drink much. Had been in the Industrial Home some time. 
Looked intelligent and capable. Never worked in the country. 

No. 26. 

Born in Ireland. Forty-five years old. Single. Had no 
trade. Had been in this country twenty years. Worked a good 
deal on a farm. Had wandered a good deal. He said the Army 
were good people and had helped him in different cities. Had 
been out of work two months. Looked shiftless. 



44 The Social Work of the Salavtion Army. 

No. 2J. 

Born in Greenwich, Conn. American parents. Twenty-seven 
years old. Single. Used to be in business with his father as a 
plumber in Greenwich, but quarrelled and had not been home for 
six years. Never worked on a farm. Looked intelligent but very 
wild. Said he could have anything he wanted at home, if he 
would leave the drink alone. 

No. 28. 

Born in Boston, Mass. Scotch parents. Fifty-three years old. 
Married. Divorced seven years ago. Brass-moulder by trade. 
Had belonged to the union but lost his membership through non- 
payment of dues. Out of work three months. He drank a good 
deal, but looked capable. Never worked in the country. 

No. 29. 

Born in Cleveland, O. American parents. Twenty-seven years 
old. Single. Had no regular trade. Made a business of follow- 
ing fairs as a fakir. Never worked in the country. Said the 
missions and the Army had helped him a good deal this winter. 
He also spent several nights in the city lodging house. Looked 
capable but a little dissipated. 

No. 30. 

Born in Yonkers, N. Y. American parents. Thirty-six years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Had not worked all winter. Was 
in the Industrial Home for the fourth time this winter. The 
missions had helped him. Never worked in the country. Looked 
like a vagrant. 

No. 31. 

Born in Germany. Forty years old. Single. Had no trade. 
Out of work two months. The Army gave him clothing. Had 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 45 

been in the Industrial Home several days. Never stayed in one 
place very long. Never worked in the country. Looked like a 
vagrant. 

No. 32. 

Born in New York. American parents. Thirty-five years old. 
Single. Had no people, except one brother who was in the 
West. Had no trade. Out of work four months. Had been 
in the Industrial Home one week. Never worked in the country. 
Said when he had money he gambled and played the races. 
Looked intelligent and capable. 

No. 33. 

Born in Ireland. Forty five years old. Married. Evidently 
had left his family. Had no regular trade. Had followed the 
water a good deal and worked along the docks. Had nothing" 
steady for three months. Was in the Industrial Home for the 
second time this winter. Worked in the country about two years. 
Said when the weather got warm he was going to the country. 
Looked ignorant and dissipated. 

No. 34. 

Born in New York. American parents. Thirty years old. 
Single. Trade of a shoe-maker, but he had not worked at it for 
nearly two years. Out of work three months. Worked in the 
country a little. Appearance very good. 

No. 35. 

Born in Philadelphia. American parents. Forty years old. 
Married. Had buried his wife and three children. Had no trade 
but followed the circus as laborer. Never worked in the country. 
Had had no steady work for a year. The Army had been helping 



46 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

him for a month. He said he went on the drunk sometimes. 
Looked intelligent but in feeble health. 

No. 36. 

Born in Hungary. Twenty-nine years old. Single. Had peo- 
ple at home but did not write often. In this country eight years. 
Talked good English. Had no trade. Worked on a farm a good 
deal in Hungary. Had been in the Industrial Home four days. 
Looked very hopeful. 

No. Z7- 

Born in Pittsfield, Mass. American parents. Twenty-one 
years old. Single. Had no trade. Had been in the Industrial 
Home three months. Was a trusted worker and received $2.50 a 
week, for driving one of the Army wagons. Never worked in 
the country. Looked like a respectable man. 

No. 38. 

Born in Ireland. Fifty-years old. Single. In this country 
twenty years. Had no trade. Had travelled around the world. 
Had been in the Industrial Home one month. Said he used to 
drink, but would never do it again. He was gray-haired and 
feeble. Never worked in the country. 

No. 39. 

Born in Ireland. Fifty-five years old. Single. Had no trade 
but followed the water a good deal. Out of work five months. 
Had been in the Industrial Home three weeks. Said the Army 
had helped him before. Looked like a vagrant. 

No. 40. 

Born in New York. Irish parents. Twenty-eight years old. 
Single. People lived in New York, but he had not lived home 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 47 

for several years. Quarrelled with his people because of drink. 
Had no trade. Worked one season in the country. Had been out 
of work two months. In the Industrial Home two weeks. The 
Army had fitted him out with clothing. Looked capable but 
dissipated. 

No. 41. 

Born in Germany. Thirty-seven years old. Married. Would 
not say anything about his family. In this country eleven years. 
Had no trade but followed the water as cook or waiter. Had 
been out of work all winter. The German Aid Society had 
helped him. Never worked in the country. Looked dissipated. 

No. 42. 

Born in England. Sixty-five years old. Married. Wife dead. 
Five children living, but they did not help him. Came to this 
country forty years ago. Bricklayer by trade. Belonged to the 
union, but said they did not help him. Had been out of work 
five months. Had been in the Industrial Home several times 
this winter. Looked old, gray-haired and feeble. 

No. 43. 

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-five years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Quarrelled with his people three 
years ago and had not been home since. Never worked in the 
country. Had been in the Industrial Home four days. Looked 
quite capable. 

No. 44. 

Born in Germany. Twenty-nine years old. Single. Had 
people in Long Island who were poor. Had no trade, but fol- 
lowed the water a good deal. Out of work four months. In the 
Industrial Home five weeks. The Army gave him clothes. Said 



48 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

he drank a good deal. Never worked in the country. Looked 
intelligent but dissipated. 

No. 45. 

Born in Paterson, N. J. German parents. Twenty-five years 
old. Had people in Paterson but was ashamed to write to them. 
Had no trade. Had been in the Industrial Home two months. 
Looked bright and capable. 

No. 46. 

Born in Trenton, N. J. Irish parents. Twenty-two years old. 
Single. Had no trade. Had been out of work three months. 
In the Industrial Home three weeks. Expected money from 
home shortly. Never worked in the country. Said he drank a 
little. His appearance was very good. 

No. 47. 

Born in Stanwich, Conn. American parents. Twenty-six 
years old. Single. Had people who were poor. Had no trade. 
Was brought up on a farm. Came to New York one year ago 
after a trip through the West. Expected to go back to the coun- 
try as soon as the weather got warmer. Had been in the Indus- 
trial Home ten days. Looked stupid but otherwise capable. 

No. 48. 

Born in Vermont. American parents. Forty-five years old. 
Single. Was a tool-maker by trade. Did not belong to the 
union. Had been out of work three months. Had been in the 
Industrial Home one month. Said the Army were good people. 
Appearance was good but somewhat dissipated. Never worked 
in the country. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 49 

No. 49. 

Born in Seattle, Washington. Swedish parents. Twenty-eight 
years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work two months. 
In the Industrial Home three weeks. Did not drink. Appear- 
ance was good. Never worked in the country. 

No. 50. 

Born in Ireland. Forty years old. Married. Separated from 
his wife. In this country fifteen years. Had no trade. Out 
of work all winter. The Army and the missions had helped 
him several times. Never worked in the country. Looked shift- 
less and dissipated. 

No. 51. 

Born in Scotland. Fifty years old. Single. Had no trade. 
Had wandered round a lot. Out of work five months. The 
Scotch Aid Society helped him a good deal this winter. Said 
he liked to drink. Never worked in the country. Looked like 
a tramp. 

No. 52. 

Born in Cleveland, O. American parents. Twenty-eight 
years old. Married. His wife was living in Cleveland. He left 
her because of a quarrel. Tool-maker by trade. Did not be- 
long to the Union. Out of work four months. In the Industrial 
Home one week. Never worked in the country. Looked efficient 
and capable. 

No. 53. 

Born in Brooklyn. Irish parents. Fifty years old. Evidently 
married. Did not wish to talk about it. Had no trade. Out 
of work all winter. Had received help from the missions and 



50 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

the Army. Drank heavily. Appearance very poor. Never 
worked in the country. 

No. 54. 

Born in Boston, Mass. English parents. Twenty-five years 
old. Single. Had people in Boston, who did not help him. Had 
no trade. Out of work three months. In the Industrial Home 
two days. Said he drank sometimes. Never worked in the 
country. His appearance was very good. 

No. 55. 

Born in South America. German parents. Twenty years old. 
Single. Had no trade. Came from South America by working 
on a boat. Left it two months ago in New York, and had done 
nothing since. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Never 
worked in the country. Expected to go back on the boat shortly. 
Looked like a runaway boy and was bright and attractive. 

No. 56. 

Born in Long Island. American parents. Fifty years old. 
Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Had rheuma- 
tism and could not do much work. The Army had helped him a 
good deal, but he expected to go to the hospital. Never worked 
in the country. 

No. 57. 

Born in Italy. Thirty years old. Single. Had people in Italy, 
who were poor. In this country twelve years. Had no trade. 
Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home seven days. Said 
that this was the first time he had ever been out of money. 
Worked in the country somewhat in Italy. Looked stupid and 
inefficient. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 51 

No. 58. 

Born in Cuba. Father American, mother Cuban. Twenty- 
eight years old. Single. Had people living in Panama who did 
not help him. Had no trade. He travelled a good deal. Came 
from the West two weeks ago. Got out of money, and had been 
in the Industrial Home one week. Looked like a promising case. 

No. 59. 

Born in Pittsfield, Mass. Irish parents. Fifty-five years old. 
Single. Had no trade, but followed the water somewhat. Had 
been out of work five months. In the Industrial Home two 
weeks. Never worked in the country. His face showed a very 
hard life. He was gray-haired and feeble. 

No. 60. 

Born in Scranton, Penna. American parents. Twenty-two 
years old. Single. His people were living in Scranton, but he 
was ashamed to write to them. Had no trade. Out of work eight 
weeks. In the Industrial Home one week. Never worked in 
the country. Looked very wild, but otherwise capable. 

No. 61. 

Born in New York. German parents. Thirty years old. 
Single. Two sisters lived in New York, but did not help him 
because he drank too much. Had no trade. Had had no steady 
work all winter. Looked dissipated. Never worked in the 
country. 

No. 62. 

Born in Ireland. Fifty years old. Married. Wife dead. No 
children. Had no trade. Out of work three months. Had been 
in the Industrial Home one month. Never worked in the country. 
Looked like a hard drinker. 



52 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

No. 63. 

Born in Chicago. American parents. Twenty-four years old. 
Single. People in Chicago helped him sometimes. Had no 
trade. Had been working in the Industrial Home in the kit- 
chen all winter at $1.00 per week. The Army had fitted him up, 
and he looked very respectable. 

No. 64. 

Born in Germany. About forty years old. Single. No people 
living. Followed the water. Out of work two months. In the 
Industrial Home three weeks. The Army gave him clothes. He 
looked like a hard drinker, but otherwise capable. Never worked 
in the country. 

No. 65. 

Born in Cambridge, Mass. Irish parents. Forty-eight years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Had travelled all over the country. 
Had been out of work four months, and had been in the In- 
dustrial Home two days. Never worked in the country. Looked 
like a hard drinker. 

No. 66. 

Born in Lynn, Mass. American parents. About fifty years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Had 
travelled widely and beaten his way on freight trains. In the 
Industrial Home three times this winter. Never worked in the 
country. Looked shiftless. 

No. 67. 

Born in New York. Irish parents. Twenty-eight years old. 
Single. Quarrelled with his people. A rigger by trade. Did 
not belong to the Union. Out of work six weeks. In the In- 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 53 

dustrial Home ten days. Said he drank a little. Looked capable. 
Never worked in the country. 

No. 68. 

Born in Germany. About thirty years old. Single. People 
in Germany did not help him. Waiter by trade. In the In- 
dustrial Home two weeks. Had no steady work all Winter. 
Never worked in the country. Expected a position in a few days. 
Looked stupid, but otherwise capable. 

No. 69. 

Born in Philadelphia. Hungarian parents. Thirty-five years 
old. Single. People dead. Had no trade. Out of work all 
winter. Different charitable organizations had helped him. Had 
been in the Industrial Home one week. Did not like to work. 
Worked in the country a little. Looked shiftless. 

No. 70. 

Born in Jersey City. Irish parents. Fifty-five years old. 
Married. Wife dead. Had no trade. Had travelled a good 
deal. Out of work all winter. Had been in the Industrial Home 
six weeks. The Army fitted him out with clothing. He said he 
was not going to drink any more, and looked intelligent, but was 
getting old. Never worked in the country. 

No. 71. 

Born in Germany. Twenty-six years old. Single. In this 
country six years. Had people in Germany, and he expected help 
from them. Machinist by trade. Did not belong to the Union. 
Out of work four months. In the Industrial Home two days. 
Looked like a wild youth. Never worked in the country. 



54 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

No. J2. 

Born in Ireland. Forty-five years old. Single. Had no 
trade. Out of work all winter. Drank heavily. Worked in the 
country two years. Had wandered all over the States. Looked 
like a vagrant. 

No. 73. 

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-eight years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. In the 
Industrial Home four days. Army gave him clothes. The mis- 
sions had helped him. Never worked in the country. Looked 
capable. 

No. 74. 

Born in Scotland. Forty-one years old. Single. Had no 

trade. Out of work four months. In the Industrial Home 

three days. Admitted that he drank heavily. Never worked in 
the country. Looked like a tramp. 

No. 75. 

Born in Chicago. American parents. Twenty-two years old. 
Single. People in Chicago were poor. Left home two months 
ago and came to New York. Spent all his money. The Army 
took him in, and for six weeks he had been in the Home. He 
wrote home. Expected to get work shortly. Looked bright and 
respectable. 

No. 76. 

Born in Boston, Mass. Irish parents. Twenty-four years old. 
Single. Had no trade. Had wandered a good deal. Never 
worked in the country. Had been in the Industrial Home one 
week. Did not like to work. Looked like a tramp. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 55 

No. yy. 

Born in Germany. Forty years old. Married. Wife lived in 
Germany with two children. Had been in this country four years 
and expected his wife next summer. Plumber by trade. Did 
not belong to the Union. Out of work two months. In the 
Industrial Home one week, after a very hard struggle around 
the streets. Said he drank a little. Appearance was very good, 

No. 78. 

Born in Washington, D. C. Forty-five years old. Single. 
Had no people. Had no trade. Belonged to the United States 
Army six years. Out of work all winter. In the Industrial 
Home three weeks. Worked in the country a good deal. Looked 
shiftless. 

No. 79. 

Born in Ireland. Thirty-five years old. Single. Hod carrier 
by trade. Belonged to the Union. Out of work five months. In 
the Industrial Home four days. Looked capable and efficient. 
Never worked in the country. 

No. 80. 

Born in Germany. Fifty-two years old. Married. Wife 

dead. Followed the water most of the time. Out of work all 

winter. In the Industrial Home three days. Appearance very 
poor. Never worked in the country. 

No. 81. 

Born in New York. Twenty-eight years old. Single. People 
lived in New York, but did not help him. Out of work all winter. 
Had no trade. Had been in the Industrial Home one month. 
Looked like a dissipated character. Never worked in the country. 



56 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

No. 82. 

Born in Boston, Mass. Swedish parents. Thirty years old. 
Single. Iron worker by trade. Did not belong to. the Union. 
Had been out of work five months. Had been in the Industrial 
Home five weeks. Never worked in the country. He drank a 
good deal, but looked capable. 

No. 83. 

Born in England. Eighteen years old. Single. In this 
country two years. Had no trade. Out of work one month. 
Had been in the Industrial Home three weeks. Had secured a 
position on a ship going to England, starting in three days. 
Looked like a straight- forward boy. 

No. 84. 

Born in Albany, N. Y. American parents. Twenty-four years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Joined the navy two years ago. 
Deserted, was captured and spent one year in jail. Had been 
out three months and had not worked since. Had been in the 
Industrial Home one month. Appearance was good. Never 
worked in the country. 

No. 85. 

Born in Ireland. Fifty years old. Single. Had no trade. 
Had wandered all around the world. Out of work all winter. In 
the Industrial Home two or three times. Said he worked one 
year on a farm. He was crippled and looked feeble. 

No. 86. 

Born in Germany. Twenty-five years old. Single. People 
in Germany, but he did not write home. Had no trade. In this 
country five .years. Out of work two months. Never worked 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 57 

in the country. Had been in the Industrial Home one day. 
Seemed to lack ambition. 

No. 87. 

Born in Denver, Colo. Irish parents. Fifty-five years old. 
Married. Separated from his wife five years ago. Painter by 
trade. Did not belong to the Union. Out of work all winter. 
In the Industrial Home three weeks. Appearance was very poor. 
Never worked in the country. 

No. 88. 

Born in Sweden. Twenty-two years old. Single. People at 
home sent him money sometimes. He said he had also sent 
money home. Had no trade. Out of work three months. In 
the Industrial Home four days. Used to work in the country 
in Sweden. In this country three years. Looked capable. 

No. 89. 

Born in Dublin, Ireland. Thirty-one years old. Single. In 
this country two years. Had no trade. Out of work ten weeks. 
In the Industrial Home three weeks. Worked in the country 
for a few months. Appearance was very good. 

No. 90. 

Born in New York. American parents. Twenty-five years 
old. Single. Had people in New York, but had nothing to do 
with them. He wandered a lot. Had no trade. Never worked 
in the country. Out of work all winter. The Army and mis- 
sions had helped him. In the Industrial Home three days. 
Looked like a vagrant. 

No. 91. 

Born in Germany. Forty years old. Single. Had no people. 
Followed the water most of the time. Out of work seven months. 



58 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

Was in the German Hospital three months with hip disease. He 
was still crippled and could not work well. Had been in the In- 
dustrial Home three weeks. Looked very feeble. Never worked 
in the country. 

No. 92. 

Born in Washington, D. C. American parents. Twenty-six 
years old. Single. Was in the navy five years. Had no trade. 
Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home three days. 
Never worked in the country. Acted very queerly and evidently 
had weak mind. 

No. 93. 

Born in New York. American parents. Thirty years old. 
Single. Carpenter by trade. Out of work four months. In 
the Industrial Home six weeks. The Army gave him clothing. 
Never worked in the country. Used to drink heavily. Looked 
capable. 

No. 94. 

Born in England. Twenty-four years old. Single. Had peo- 
ple in England, and he wrote home sometimes. Had no trade. 
Out of work three months. In the Industrial Home five weeks. 
Worked in the country one summer. Had been in this country 
three years. Did not drink. Looked very intelligent and 
capable. 

No. 95. 

Born in Providence, R. I. Irish parents. Forty-five years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Had beaten his way all through 
the country. Never worked in the country. The Army had 
helped him a good deal. Had been in the Home three months 
and said he had not taken a drink during that time. He looked 
bright and responsible, but showed the signs of a hard life. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 59 

No. 96. 

Born in Ireland. Thirty years old. Single. People lived in 
Ireland. In this country four years. Never wrote home. Had 
no trade. Worked in the country one year. In the Industrial 
Home two weeks. Appearance was good but dissipated. 

No. 97. 

Born in Trenton, N. J. American parents. Twenty-five 
years old. Single. Followed the water a good deal. Out of 
work all winter. Had been in the Industrial Home eight weeks. 
Never worked in the country. Looked capable. 

No. 98. 

Born in Brooklyn. American parents. Twenty-six years old. 
Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. In the Indus- 
trial Home two weeks. Army gave him clothing. He looked 
intelligent and capable. Never worked in the country. 

No. 99. 

Born in Germany. Forty-five years old. People lived in Ger- 
many, but he did not write home. Had no trade. Out of work 
all winter. He travelled round a good deal and drank heavily. 
Had worked a good deal in the country. Had been in the In- 
dustrial Home four months, and said he was going to reform. 
Looked like a hopeful case. 

No. 100. 

Born in Portland, Oregon. American parents. Twenty-six 
years old. Single. Had no trade. Had travelled a good deal. 
Out of work all winter. In the Industrial Home three months. 
Expected money from home soon, and expected to go West. 
Said he had worked on a farm a good deal. Looked stupid but 
otherwise capable. 



60 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

No. 101. 

Born in Vermont. American parents. Thirty years old. 
Single. Carpenter by trade. Belonged to the Union. Out of 
work all winter. In the Industrial Home one week. Never 
worked in the country. The missions had helped him a good 
deal this winter. Looked capable. 

No. 102. 

Born in Boston, Mass. Irish parents. Fifty-two years old. 
Single. People all dead. Had no trade. Out of work four 
months. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Said he had 
ruined his life through drink. Was in the hospital two months 
this winter. He never worked in the country. He was crippled 
and could not work much. 

No. 103. 

Born in Chicago. American parents. Twenty-five years old. 
Single. Had people in Chicago, but ran away four years ago. 
Had no trade. Out of work three months. In the Industrial 
Home two months. Never worked in the country. Looked like 
a hopeful case. 

No. 104. 

Born in Cincinnati, O. American parents. Thirty-five years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Had wandered a good deal. Never 
worked in the country. In the Industrial Home two weeks. 
Appearance was good but dissipated. 

No. 105. 

Born in New York. Irish parents. Twenty-five years old. 
Single. Had people in New York, but they were unable to help 
him. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Had been in the 
Industrial Home five weeks. Never worked in the country. 
Said he drank a little. Appearance was very good. 



The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 61 

No. 106. 

Born in Chicago. American parents. Twenty-five years old. 
Single. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. In the In- 
dustrial Home three months. Never worked in the country. 
The Army had helped him to become respectable, he said. Looked 
capable. 

No. 107. 

Born in Ireland. Forty-eight years old. Single. People 
dead. Had no trade. Out of work two months. Had wandered 
a lot. In the Industrial Home three weeks. Had worked in the 
country somewhat. Looked dissipated. 

No. 108. 

Born in St. Louis, Mo. American parents. Twenty-eight 
years old. Single. Had no trade. Out of work three months. 
The Army gave him clothes and he had been in the Industrial 
Home two months. Never worked in the country. Looked in- 
efficient. 

No. 109. 

Born in Sweden. Forty years old. Single. Had people in 
Sweden. Had no trade. Out of work all winter. Had been in 
Industrial Home three months. Army gave him clothing. Did 
not drink. Looked capable and efficient. Never worked in the 
country. 

Some Facts Brought Out in the 109 Industrial Examples. (1.) 



(1) To show the difference in the grade of the men at the Indus- 
trial Homes and those at the Hotels, I have given separate tables for 
each. The combined tables showing certain characteristics of the class 
of men in general with which the Army deals will be found at the end 
of Chapter IV. 



62 The Social Work of the Salvation Army. 

Per- 
Nationality No. centage. 

American parentage 41 .376 

Irish parentage 30 .276 

German parentage 18 .165 

English and Scotch parentage '. 9 .083 

Italian parentage 3 .027 

Swedish parentage 3 .027 

Other countries, parentage 5 .046 

Married 17 .156 

Single 92 .844 

Worked a little in country 16 .146 

Worked considerably in country 7 .064 

Men with regular trades 31 .289 

Union men 6 .055 

Wen who looked efficient " 38 .349 

Men who looked semi-efficient 21 .193 

Men who looked inefficient 50 .458 



Ages. 

1 5-20 2 

20-30 55 

30-40 23 

40-50 20 

50-60 8 

60-70 r< 

Length of time out of work. 



018 

504 

212 

183 
074 
009 



Less than 1 month 8 .073 

More than 1 month 17 .156 

More than 2 months 16 .146 

More than 3 months. ( 1.) 68 .625 



(1) This number includes all the inefficient men and the men who 
are steadily working in the Industrial Home. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 63 

CHAPTER II. 

The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

In a study of environment and its effects on the lowest classes 
of our great cities, the cheap lodging house affords a favorable 
field. Here we have crowding, unsanitary conditions, immoral 
atmosphere, and all the attendant evils. A good description of 
such lodging houses in New York City has been given by 
Jacob Riis, in the following words : 

"In the caravansaries that line Chatham Street and the Bowery, 
harboring nightly a population as large as that of many a thriving 
town, a home-made article of tramp and thief is turned out that is 
attracting the increasing attention of the police, and offers a field 
for the missionary's labors, besides which most others seem of 
slight consequence" (1). 

The cheap lodging houses of London and other great cities 
are similar in their environment and effects. This field was 
early entered by the Army. It was necessary that a very low 
rate of cost for the individual concerned be maintained because 
of competition with the lodging houses already existing, and 
because of the size of the prospective lodger's purse. The first 
experiments were tried in London. There, at first, the primary 
aim was to aid the needy and destitute, but later the Army en- 
tered into a competition with the existing lodging houses and 
paid more attention to the element of environment. It was 
soon definitely proved that such a work could be carried on 
to advantage, that shelter amid beneficial surroundings, could be 
provided to those almost destitute, and that the work could 
be self-supporting. Since then this work has extended to nearly 
all the larger cities of Europe and America, but it is of greatest 
extent in England and the United States. Along with this 
growth there has been differentiation. The hotels have been 
graded to suit the requirements of the different classes to which 



(1) "How the Other Half Lives," p. 38. 



64 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

they appeal: the almost destitute class, and those who have 
steady employment. Hence, besides treating of conditions com- 
mon to both, we shall describe special features of two grades of 
both men's and women's hotels. (1.) 

The location for a men's hotel must be determined partly 
by its propinquity to the class of men which it is seeking to 
attract and partly for facilities for ventilation, cleanliness and 
general sanitary conditions. These last features are of the great- 
est importance in this work. Led by the real need of the 
case, and working with regard to its reputation, the Army has, 
in this respect, shown a great advance over the general cheap 
lodging houses. Still, there is room for improvement in the 
Army hotels. (2.) One great difficulty lies in the lodgers, 
many of whom are so habituated to uncleanliness in general, 
that it is with great reluctance on their part that they are in- 
duced to cleanliness. Especially in the lower class hotels is this 
true where the rough, brutal element finds its way. Another 
difficulty lies in the fact that the Army frequently takes old 
buildings and turns them into hotels, when they are not suitable 
for the purpose. A favorable tendency to overcome this, how- 
ever, lies in the Army's desire to put up new buildings fitted 
for hotels, and this is being done in many cities. 

In both the higher and the lower class men's hotels, the gen- 
eral plan is to have two or three grades of sleeping apartments. 
The first grade is in the form of dormitories, where each dormi- 
tory will contain from ten to fifty beds in the smaller hotels, 
and from fifty to one hundred and even two hundred beds in 
the larger. (3) For a bed in one of these dormitories, 10c 



(1) This differentiation is more pronounced in the United States, since 
the work has been extended here more than in other countries. 

(2) For adverse criticism see "The Social Relief Work of the S. A.," 
p. 9. 

(3) At the Burne St. Shelter, the largest in London, one large dormi- 
tory has 288 beds and another 265. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 65 

and 15c per night is charged in the United States, and in Eng- 
land 26. up. This includes the use of a locker beside the bed, 
with sometimes a nightgown, and sometimes a bath. The 
second grade of lodging is in individual rooms, partitioned off, 
but inside rooms, for which the charge is 15c in the United 
States, and 46. to 6d in England. Then finally we have the third 
grade of lodging, which consists of individual rooms which have 
outside windows, and for which the price varies from 20c to 
50c per night according to situation and furnishing. (1.) Some- 
times the three grades of lodging are found on the same floor, a 
part of the floor being dormitory, and a part partitioned off into 
rooms, the partitions running up to a height of eight or nine 
feet. This method of partitioning off the rooms is almost 
universal. It is cheap and to some extent sanitary, since by 
means of windows at either end of the building a continual 
current of air can be maintained all over the floor. In most 
of the higher class hotels one floor is given up to dormitories 
and another to individual rooms, while the majority of lower 
class hotels consist entirely of dormitories. Hotels are of all 
sizes, and run from one floor up to eight or ten. 

The beds found in the Army hotels are iron, with mattresses 
usually covered with American cloth or some form of leather, 
but sometimes with strong canvas. (2.) Each bed is pro- 
vided with pillow, sheets, a coverlid, and sometimes an ad- 
ditional counterpane. The individual rooms, in addition to hav- 
ing better beds, contain a looking glass, a chair, a small table, 
and other furnishings according to the price of the room. In 
most cases washing facilities are only found in the lavatory, 
common to the whole floor. 



(1) For rooms, special rates are given by the week; from some of 
the examples given at the end of this chapter, it will be seen that these 
are occupied by men with partial or poorly paid employment. 

(2) In London, the Army has a mattress factory which supplies its. 
institutions. 



66 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

Comparative cleanliness is enforced at all grades of hotels. 
Baths are sometimes made compulsory, though often this rule 
cannot be rigidly enforced. Usually each floor is provided with 
bath tubs and shower baths. Nearly every hotel has a fumigat- 
ing room, an air tight apartment filled with racks, upon which 
clothing is hung. If a man's appearance or clothing looks sus- 
picious in any way, his clothes are placed in a sack with a num- 
ber corresponding to the number of his bed or room, and hung 
in the fumigating room over night. Early the next morning 
his clothes will be returned to him. The dormitories and rooms 
themselves, every few days, receive a fumigating and cleaning. 
Thus, except in very rare cases, no fault can be found with 
the cleanliness of the Army hotels. We hardly ever visited any 
of them without coming into contact with the scent of fumiga- 
tion, or finding some individual working with mop and broom. 

The above description, except where stated differently, fits 
both classes of men's hotels. The higher class, intended for 
transients of the better class of poor and for workmen with 
steady employment, has some distinctive features. In addition 
to better equipment along the line of furnishings, lavatories, etc., 
this class of hotels necessarily has a better social environment 
than the other. For instance, there are many lower class hotels 
where the reading room is dark, poorly furnished, without attrac- 
tive reading matter, and where it serves as smoking room 
as well as reading room. While this might be improved, yet 
so low are the occupants that such improvement would not be 
appreciated. But when we come to the higher grade hotels, 
we find a difference. Take, for example, the Army Hotel in 
the city of Cleveland, O., on the corner of Eagle and Erie 
Streets. This corner building was built by the Army to an- 
swer its purpose, at a cost of $100,000.00. There are no dormi- 
tories in the building. The three upper floors are given over 
to the hotel, which comprises 130 rooms, each room being steam 
heated and electric lighted, and each floor being reached by 
elevators. Bathing facilities and sanitary arrangements are 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 67 

first class. A comfortable reading room and lounging room is 
provided for general use, where there are popular magazines, 
daily papers and writing conveniences. As another example, 
about the highest grade Army institution of this class is found 
in Boston, and is called "The People's Palace." It is a large, 
five-story, corner building, built by the Army for the purpose. 
In this institution the social enviroment is especially em- 
phasized. There is a reading room, a smoking room, one or 
more social parlors, a gymnasium with a swimming tank, and 
an auditorium with a seating capacity of 600. The whole 
building, with its 287 single rooms, besides the above advan- 
tages, is equipped with steam heat, electric service and other 
modern conveniences. A special fee of 25c is charged for the 
use of the gymnasium and swimming tank, but the other ad- 
vantages are free to lodgers. In this way, it is seen that the 
higher class hotels have more opportunity for a good social 
environment and for social work. We think that the addition 
of certain features, such as men's clubs, smokers, popular 
lectures, etc., would be of great advantage to this class of insti- 
tutions. To overcome the difficulty of a transient population, 
however, would require considerable ingenuity. (1.) 

Along the line of religious environment we find the hotels 
differ a great deal. In London there seems to be a strong in- 
fluence of this kind, most of the hotels of both classes holding 
gospel meetings frequently. For instance, at the Quaker Street 
Elevator Home, which is partly a hotel and partly an industrial 
home, meetings are held nearly every night with good attend- 
ance, and at the Burne Street Hotel well attended meetings are 



(1) More headway is being made in this direction in the Industrial 
Homes where the population is more permanent. We found in one home 
in Chicago that the men were organized in the form of a club, and en- 
joyed social meetings together. Also, at the largest Industrial Home in 
London, called "The Spa Road Elevator," we found a regular cricket 
club crganized which played cricket games with other clubs. 



68 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

held every night except Wednesdays and Saturdays, these 
nights being given over to the men for washing their clothes. 
But in the United States we find, as a rule, that the Salvation 
Army hotels are run with very little religious influence. In a 
few cases, meetings are held regularly, but more often no pro- 
vision is made for them. Meetings are generally in progress 
somewhere in the neighborhood at the regular Army corps, and 
the men are left to attend these meetings if they wish. Generally 
they are willing to take advantage of the hotel, but do not care 
for the sentimental form of religion preached by the Army. 
Hence, in most of the hotels, we find the religious influence 
limited to the texts on the walls, and to the attitude of the 
employees, who are not always Salvationists or converted men. 

Some hotels of both classes are fitted with a kitchen and 
lunch counter. This is nearly always the case in London, where 
the hotels have a counter, over which the food is sold, and 
then taken to a seat by the purchaser. In several cases the 
counter is divided so that it opens into different rooms, and 
there are two grades of prices, the lower price being paid for 
food somewhat damaged and stale, (i.) 

We need not dwell long on the subject of the women's 
hotels, as that does not form an important part of the Army's 
work. The women's hotels, even more than the men's, have 
tended to fall into two classes. There is a great difference be- 
tween the hotel for women who are almost destitute, and the 
hotel for respectable working girls, who have positions as clerks 
and stenographers, and who happen to have no home of their 
own. A typical hotel of the former class is situated near the 
Dearborn Street Railway Depot in Chicago. It consists of 
three floors, and has accommodation for fifty girls or women. 



(i) Good examples of this are to be found in the Middlesex Street 
Hotel and the Burne Street Hotel, London. The former hotel is regu- 
larly provided, by a large baker firm, with food, which is one day stale, 
for a very low figure. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 69 

The woman officer in charge lives here herself, and seeks to 
have an environment as homelike as possible. She states, how- 
ever, that occasionally the women come in noisily and are 
troublesome. There is a great difference between one woman 
and another, and she wishes she had one floor with better ac- 
commodation than the rest for the better element among them. 
The price paid per bed at this hotel is 10 cents. A good example 
of this class of hotel in England, is the one situated on Hanbury 
Street, Whitechapel, London, where there are three floors, two 
upper floors given over to dormitories containing 276 beds in all, 
and the ground floor containing a dining room, kitchen, small hall, 
and office. Here, women are turned away quite often because 
of lack of room. 2d. is charged for a bed, and for food a scale 
of prices, such as tea, j4d. — soup, j4d. — bread, J4d. — etc. There 
are nine officers working here, and nine other workers, six of the 
latter receiving 3s. per week, and three receiving is. per week. 

With the higher class hotels for women, the Army has not had 
much success. This is easily understood, as the respectable girl 
does not like to be connected with a hotel run by an organization 
which is prominent for its slum and rescue work. These hotels 
charge a higher rate for rooms and are situated in a good quarter 
of the city. ( 1 ) They are frequented by shop girls, bookkeepers, 
clerks and stenographers. Apparently, no great religious pres- 
sure is brought to bear on the girls and women, but this would 
probably depend on the officer in charge. 

The growth of the Hotel Department of the Army's work, like 
that of the Industrial Department, has, of recent years, been 
great. Soon after the publication in 1890 of General Booth's 
book, "Darkest England," the hotel work was started in England, 
and its progress has been rapid. In the United States at first 
the work did not make much headway. When Commander 
Booth-Tucker came to take charge in 1896, there were three 
small men's hotels situated in the cities of Buffalo, San Francisco, 



(1) The higher class hotel for women is to be found in Los Angeles 
and Boston. 



yo The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

and Seattle. At the present time, nearly every large city in 
England and the United States has one or more of these hotels, 
the latter country having 71 men's hotels and 4 women's hotels, 
with a total accommodation of 8,688. The tendency now is 
toward fewer of the lower class hotels, and more of the higher 
class; in other words, toward fewer hotels where beds can be 
had for 10c and 15c, and more where they will cost 20c and 
25c. The Army gives as its reason for this the fact that the 
cheaper hotel cannot be maintained in a wholesome manner and 
be self-supporting. ( 1 ) Similar to the Industrial Department in its 
management, the Hotel Department has its divisions, its graded 
officers with their various responsibilites, and its head officer in 
charge at the national headquarters. In the United States, how- 
ever, unlike the Industrial Department, the Hotel Department 
has no separate financial company, in the form of a corporation, 
behind it. In some instances, deserving men are given bed 
tickets and meal tickets free, by officers detailed for the purpose, 
and, to that extent the hotels are a charity. This is done with 
due discretion and does not make an appreciable difference. The 
amount of charity indulged in by the Army in this way is, how- 
ever, probably responsible for the fact that in 1907, there was a 
loss to the Army in this department of $4,500.00, not a very large 
amount, considering the number of hotels concerned. 

Coming to the value of the Army hotels from the point of 
view of the social economist, care must be taken to discriminate 
between their commercial and their philanthropic aspects. The 
public has a mistaken idea of the work carried on by this branch 
of the Army. Many people have an idea that thousands of home- 
less, starving men and women are nightly taken care of in these 
Army hotels. Putting aside the question whether such would 
be good relief policy or not, the statement itself is not true. In 
a majority of cases the man or woman in order to gain admit- 
tance must have the price, and in many instances, that price 
will also admit them to the regular cheap lodging house outside 



(1) From an interview with a leading officer. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. ji 

of the Army. We are not finding fault with the system of 
charging, since from the point of view of true relief, provided 
that bona-fide, destitute cases are not left without help, the 
price should be required, as it would be a great evil to throw 
open the hotels to the crowds of regular beggars and social para- 
sites who constantly throng any institution supposed to be charit- 
able; but since the Army hotel movement claims to be a self- 
supporting business, it is not to be regarded as different from 
any other lodging business, except in those points in which 
it excels the other. With this caution we believe that we still 
can distingush two lines along which credit is to be given the 
Army. The first is the environment which the Army has created 
for its guests. It is not necessary here to show what a great 
factor environment is in this case, but simply to emphasize its 
importance. From our description of the Army hotel, it is 
seen that, with certain exceptions, the Army maintains cleanliness, 
cheerfulness, and a homelike atmosphere around its lodging 
houses, (i.) In this important respect then, the Army hotel is to 
be commended. Secondly, the Army has indirectly, by its compe- 
tition with the ordinary cheap lodging houses, led them to adopt 
improvement for purely commercial reasons. If a man has only 
ten cents, he is going to invest that ten cents to the best ad- 
vantage, and the old time lodging houses have found it necessary 
to improve their conditions in order to meet the competition of 
the Army. For this too, credit is to be given the latter. In 
addition the competition reacts on the Army and tends to make it 
keep up its own standard. 

In order more clearly to discuss the advantages and disad- 
vantages of cheap lodging houses, whether Army hotels or not, 
it would be well here to consider objections to their existence. 
Three objections have been raised to all cheap lodging houses in 
general. 



(i) These exceptions are certain of the lower class hotels where at- 
tempts along this line seem to fail. 



72 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

1. That they herd together a low class of vagrants and vicious 
characters. 

2. That their cheapness lowers the standard of living. 

3. That they encourage the youth of the country to come to 
the city and live in comparative idleness. (1.) 

No one who has looked into the matter has any doubt about 
the accuracy of the first objection. One glance at the faces of 
a group of men in the smoking room of any such hotel reveals 
many of the low, bestial, criminal type ; many victims of dissipa- 
tion and many who have acquired a dislike for work of any sort. 
This harboring of the vicious element is also true of the Army 
hotels of the lower class, but it is in company with this element 
that we find the men for whom more or less can be done. (2.) 

The second objection must be considered more carefully. To 
repeat the definition of the standard of living which was dis- 
cussed in connection with the Industrial Department, it is the 
scale or measure of comfort and satisfaction, which a person or 
community of persons, regards as indispensable to happiness. 
Now the question is whether these cheap lodging houses lower 
this standard; whether their existence results in a tendency to 
live with less effort and less ambition, and thus renders men and 
women less productive and less proficient. This question must 
be separated into a question regarding the community as a whole, 
and a question regarding the individual. As regards the 
standard of living of any single community ,the answer would be 
that the standard is not appreciably lowered by this hotel system, 
since the occupants are mostly single men wandering around, and 
the standard of living of the community is more concerned with 
the maintenance of homes in its midst, than of transients. This, 
however, brings in the further question as to whether the cheap 
living made possible by the lodging houses leads to the breaking 



(1) See "How the Other Half Lives," Ch. VIII. See also "Social Re- 
lief Work of the S. A.," p. 10. 

(2) See examples given at the end of this chapter, p. 77. 






The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 73 

up of homes, since if it does so, it would bear decidedly on the 
standard of living. We would answer this second question in the 
negative, because life in the cheap hotel is not such a desirable 
thing as to lead to the breaking up of homes. A man has already- 
left home and is already reduced in circumstances, before the 
fact of such cheap living as the hotels and cheap restaurants of 
the Bowery in New York, or of Whitechapel in London, ever 
comes to him as an advantage. But, on the other hand, when it 
comes to the individual concerned, we think that the standard is 
lowered and that in many cases the objection holds good. For 
instance, take a man with a regular trade, say bricklaying or 
carpentering. He is thrown out of work and gradually drifts 
down to the cheap hotel. For months, possibly, he strives in 
vain to get work at his trade. He exists, however, by means of 
odd jobs picked up at randon ; he becomes shiftless ; the life which 
consists of so much "hanging around" and loafing, decreases his 
efficiency, and, in this way, his standard is lowered. At the same 
time his character is affected, and even if no worse development 
takes place, he loses ambition, and that lowers his standard. 
Hence, in conclusion, we would say that the objection that the 
hotel movement of the Army leads to a lowering of a standard 
of living has no place as regards the community, but is sustained 
as regards individuals. 

The third objection that the country youth are induced by this 
cheap living to leave for the city is not a strong one and needs 
but short notice. Some of the most successful men of our cities 
come from the country, but very few of the lower and pauper 
classes. This has been shown by the investigations of Mr. Fox 
in England, and bv our own investigations in the United States. 

(1) 

The consideration of these objections leads us to a closer ex- 
amination of the class of men frequenting the hotels of the Army. 



(1) See the tables, pp. 97 and 98, showing percentages of these men 
who had come from the country. For the work of Mr. Fox see p. 113. 



74 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

The men's work being so much larger, let us look at the occupants 
of the men's hotels. Here we must separate the comparatively 
few hotels of the higher class, which, charging higher prices and 
harboring the working man, have a different environment from 
the others. In these, the higher class, we see a competition with 
the ordinary boarding and lodging houses which single men 
frequent, a competition which, owing to the more healthful social 
environment of the Army hotel, is to be welcomed and approved 
of as a preventive of vice and degradation. The latter is often the 
result of crowded, uncleanly, workingmen's lodgings, which drive 
their occupants to the saloon. But the majority of the Army 
hotels are filled with the lowest class of men, out of any steady 
employment. This class is composed for the most part and under 
present conditions, of men who are almost helpless cases, (i) 
Conditions can be conceived which would result in the better- 
ment of a certain percentage of these, but a large number would 
always be hopeless. Many have been given their chances and have 
thiown them away; some have had no chances, and some could 
not use them if they had. Many are physical and moral wrecks. 
In their faces you see no ambition. They simply exist as do 
animals. For such, except in unusual cases, there is no remedy. 
Do all you can for them, and they will slide back again ; give them 
work, and if they are willing to take it at all, they soon lose their 
positions. Some belong to the pseudo-social class and are mere 
parasites feeding on society. Others are anti-social, bitter and 
criminal. (2.) 

These men are not those with which the Army is successful, in 
its industrial institutions, although many of them have been tried. 
They secure their ten cents or fifteen cents for a bed in a cheap 
hotel by any means which comes along. They form a class, which 
especially in the older countries of Europe and increasingly in the 
new world, presents a problem that is the great puzzle of the 
statesman and the social economist alike. 



(1) See examples of these men, p. 77 fl. 

(2) See Geldings' "Principles of Sociology," p. 127. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 75 

The present tendency of the Army already mentioned to have 
fewer of the lower class, cheap hotels and more of the higher class 
brings up some important considerations. There are three 
points which come up for particular notice here. First, as 
has already been stated, the present tendency of the Army is to 
have fewer of the lower class or cheap hotels and more of the 
higher class. One reason for this is that, although the Army's 
competition has in many instances forced the ordinary cheap 
hotels to better their equipment, still, in the long run, the Army 
cannot successfully compete with the ordinary low class hotel 
and maintain an equally good or better environment, without 
having its hotel work subsidized by the public. The men whom 
we have just described do not appreciate better surroundings 
sufficiently to pay fifteen cents for a bed at the Army hotel, 
when they can get one for ten cents at another place around the 
corner. Secondly, as the Army extends its work, there is the 
ever present tendency of any organization to become an end in 
itself. Hence the Army tends to forsake its field of the lower 
class for the field of the working class for financial reasons. If 
it can carry on a hotel which appeals to a higher class of working 
men who are willing to pay $1.50 upwards per week for a 
separated room such as has been described, they may do better 
financially than with a dormitory whose beds are held at ten 
cents. This second point of consideration leads us to a third, 
and that is, what is to become of this lower class of vagrants and 
unemployables. This discussion hardly comes in the scope of 
this book, but we might suggest in passing that the cheap, lower 
class of hotels with which the Army has entered into competition 
should not be allowed to continue as at present. In case of the 
failure to provide competition, the city itself should provide a 
successful competition under good environment, or should take 
measures for the segregation of the vicious elements of the popu- 
lation from the merely weak, aged and unfortunate. (1) 



(1) Some light may be thrown on this subject by a perusal of Mr. W. 
H. Dawson's book entitled "The German Workman," although conditions 



y6 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

On the other hand, among the occupants of these hotels a 
certain number are men for whom there is hope ; some victims of 
misfortune; others degraded by dissipation and recklessness, but 
not entirely demoralized. With these the Army can deal success- 
fully in its industrial homes, and some of them can regain a foot- 
hold without aid. For these men the Army hotel is certainly a 
boon. (2) A man who has not lost ambition and who can gather 
a few cents a day to sustain him, until some temporary difficulty is 
past is glad to take advantage of such an institution. Finally, re- 
garding this class as a whole, something must be done with them, 
and it is necessary for those who find fault with their congrega- 
tion in the Army hotels, to point out a better way of caring for 
them. As long as they exist, they will tend to congregate some- 
where, and until some better solution is offered, we might as well 
take what is at hand, and if it is the Army hotel, hold that in- 
stitution to its best efforts and its best environment. 

To sum up, then, our conclusions of this part of the Army's 
work, we find that the hotels are commercial enterprises, with, 
as a rule, an environment superior to the regular cheap hotels 
of the same price, and that although there is an objection to 
the congregation of the vicious and vagrant along with the un- 
fortunate, and although there may be a tendency to lower the 
standard of living of these people, individually considered, yet 
there is a justification for the existence of these hotels, as 
something must be done with this class of people, and this is 
the best solution offered, inasmuch as a certain percentage of 
this class is really aided and tided over temporary difficulty. 
At the same time, there remains the need of the segregation of 
the class concerned, with a more scientific, practical, individual 
treatment. Better work can be done along this line. 



are evidently vastly different in this country and England from what they 
are in Germany. 

(2) See examples numbered 4, 5, 9. 23 and others, on p. 78 and fl. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. JJ 
Examples of Salvation Army Hotel Lodgers. 

A collection of j6 cases made on seventeen different even- 
ings during the months of March and April, 1908, at two of 
the Salvation Army hotels, both situated on the Bowery in New 
York City, one being a lower class hotel and the other a combi- 
nation of lower and higher class. These cases were collected at 
first hand by the author and a friend of the author, Mr. James 
Ward, both of whom mingled among the men in the disguise of 
working men. In this way the facts were gained without much 
difficulty, with the exception of information regarding the fam- 
ily of the man concerned. Sometimes, therefore, this latter in- 
formation is lacking. 

No. 1. 

Born in New York City of Irish parentage. Twenty-five 
years old. Single. Had no home and did not know whether or 
not his people were living. Only trade was that of hotel porter 
but had done other things. Had worked a little in the country. 
Had had no steady work for three months. Walked the streets 
the previous night and had had coffee and rolls on the "bread 
line." Received a bed that night through charity. Did not ap- 
pear dissipated but showed lack of ambition. 

, No. 2. 

Born in Ireland. About thirty years old. Single. Did not 
know about his people as he did not write home. Had been 
in New York seven years. Worked as stableman most of the 
time but had been out of steady work for six weeks. Never 
worked in the country. Appeared dissipated and inefficient. 

No. 3. 

Born in Pittsburg of American parents. About forty years 
old. Single. Had a brother, he thought, in Pittsburg but no 



78 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

other relatives alive. Had no regular trade. Had travelled a 
good deal in the United States but never west of Chicago. Had 
done odd jobs in the country. Evidently a tramp. Looked 
stupid and incapable. 

No. 4. 

Born in Germany. About twenty-three years old. Single. 
Wrote to his people sometimes, but they were poor. Trade, a 
waiter. Had worked in New York for five years. Had had 
no steady work for over two months. Had a little money saved 
but that was nearly gone. Expected to go to Albany the next 
day to work. Never worked in the country. Appeared to be 
a capable, steady man. 

No. 5. 

Born in Scotland. Fifty-three years old. Single. People 
all dead except a married sister. Regular trade, a boiler-maker. 
In this country most of the time for thirty-five years. Had 
travelled all around the world. Never worked in the country. 
Had no steady work all winter, but obtained work for one or two 
days every week and thus paid his way at the hotel. Said he 
lived up to his salary when working steadily. Is growing old. 
Sometimes went on a "spree" when he had money. Looked 
like a hard-working, efficient man. 

No. 6. 

Born in Ireland. About forty years old. Had married and 
separated from his wife. Trade was brick-laying, but he was 
not a union man. Never worked in the country. Came to New 
York at eighteen and had been there most of the time since. 
Claimed to be a Mason, and said that he expected help from a 
friend. Had been out of work all winter but worked occa- 
sionally around saloons and nearly always had the price of a 
bed. Admitted drinking heavily. Looked dissipated. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 79 

No. 7. 

Born in Buffalo of American parents. Twenty-eight years 
old. Single. Waiter by trade. Parents were dead. Had two 
brothers but did not know where. Had worked a little in the 
country but knew nothing of farming. Had worked as waiter 
in New York for three years. Got into a fight three weeks before 
and had his face disfigured. As a result lost his job. 
Walked the streets two nights last week. Got coffee and rolls on 
the "bread line." Worked in a stable yesterday and made $1.00. 
Appeared somewhat dissipated but intelligent. 

No. 8. 

Born in New York City. Father German. Mother Scotch. 
Thirty-two years old. Single. His father lived somewhere in 
New York, and he expected to get work shortly and live with 
him. Trade was a machinist. Had mostly worked at bicycle 
repairing. Had travelled a good deal but never worked on a 
farm. Went to Philadelphia this Winter and lost position. 
Worked three days in a woodyard for board and lodging. Later 
had himself committed to jail for one month. Came back to New 
York last week. Did not appear dissipated, but looked bright 
and efficient. 

No. 9. 

Born in Lawrence, Mass., of American parents. About twenty- 
two years old. Single. Worked since a boy in Lawrence in the 
woolen mills until he lost position six weeks previously. Always 
lived with his people. Had never been hungry or without a bed. 
Came to New York two weeks previously but had done nothing 
since. Had just money enough left to go home, where he ex- 
pected to obtain work again shortly. Looked thoroughly capable 
and reliable. 



80 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

Nos. 10 and n. 

Two brothers born in New York of Irish parentage. Aged 
twenty-eight and thirty-one respectively. Both single. Parents 
dead. Had trade of awning makers, with plenty of work in 
summer but none in winter. Had never worked in the country. 
Had been living by means of odd jobs and charity all winter. Had 
received help from a mission and the Salvation Army. Quite 
often walked the streets all night and got coffee and rolls on the 
"bread line." Appeared shiftless and showed lack of initiative 
and intelligence. 

No. 12. 

Born in New York City of Irish parents. Twenty-six years 
old. Single. Did not know where his folks were. His mother 
was dead. Worked sometimes as a truck driver. Had worked at 
farm work in New Jersey. Had travelled a good deal. Had re- 
ceived help from charities in different cities. Got caught once 
riding a freight train through Philadelphia and spent ten days 
in jail for the offense. Said he drank when he got the chance. 
Now worked around the Army Hotel and received in return his 
bed and one meal ticket a day. Expected to leave the city as soon 
as the weather got warmer. Evidently a kind of tramp with a 
tendency to become worse. Looked wild and unreliable. 

No. 13. 

Born in Watertown, N. Y., of American parents. About thirty 
years old. Single. Had lost track of his people. Worked as 
steward on ship running to New Orleans. Was laid off three 
months ago. Expected to get position as steward again in the 
spring. Had walked the streets quite often, not being able to 
secure a bed. Had received help from several charities, includ- 
ing the Army. Looked dissipated and unreliable. Had never 
worked in the country. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 81 

No. 14. 

Born in England. Came to this country when sixteen. People 
all dead. Thirty-two years old. Single. Never worked in the 
country. Regular trade was that of a painter but was not a 
Union man. Got odd jobs from time to time in paint shops. 
Made fifty cents the previous day. Had had no steady work for 
three months. Had forty dollars saved when he left his last 
steady job. Spent twenty dollars on a "drunk," and the rest had 
gone since. Appeared capable and fairly intelligent. 

No. 15. 

Born in Germany. Had come to this country with his people 
when young. His people all dead except a sister who was married 
and lived in Chicago. Single. About thirty-five years of age. 
Had no regular trade. Had worked as laborer in both country 
and city. Said that the city was best in Winter and the country 
in Summer. Expected to leave for the country as soon as the 
weather grew warm. Appeared lazy and inefficient. Had been 
aided by the Army. Evidently a tramp. 

No. 16. 

Born in Pittsfield, Mass., of American parents. Twenty-four 
years of age. Single. Ran awa}^ from home at seventeen. Did 
not know where his people were. Had no trade. Had worked 
at everything. Was in the navy for four years and afterward 
followed the water for several years working mostly as fireman. 
Never worked in the country. Had been out of steady work for 
six months. Secured lodging through charity but often spent 
the night on the streets. Said he drank when he could get it. 
Looked dissipated and demoralized. 

No. 17. 

Born in New York City of German parents. About thirty 
years old. Married but had left his wife. Had no regular trade. 



82 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

Had worked as waiter-, porter and liveryman. Made fifty cents 
yesterday but spent forty for whiskey. Secured coffee and rolls 
on the "bread line." Had worked a little in the country. Ap- 
peared shiftless. 

No. 18. 

Born in Germany. Twenty-two years of age. Single. Wrote 
to his people sometimes. Always followed the water. Had sailed 
from different points to China and the Philippines. Drank and 
lost his boat. Made his way to New York where he had been 
out of work for two months. Wrote home for money which he 
expected shortly. Sold some of his clothing to get a bed. Was 
trying to get work on a boat. Never worked in the country. 
Looked wild and dissipated. 

No. 19. 

Born in Boston, Mass., of Irish parents. Twenty-five years 
of age. Single. Worked in machine shop when a boy and then 
joined the navy. After the navy experience he had worked 
both on water and on land. Had beaten his way on freight trains 
to different parts of the United States. Said he often got help 
from missions. Often slept in the parks in summer. Had been 
in jail several times. The last time for four months for stealing. 
Got out in August and had done odd jobs since. Had been 
several times in the Army hotel and several times in the City 
Lodging House. Had worked for a day or so in the country but 
did not know farming. Looked shiftless and demoralized. 

No. 20. 

Born in Binghamton, N. Y., of American parents. About 
thirty-five years of age. Single. Trade was lasting shoes in a 
shoe factory. Had worked in different cities but never in the 
country. Came to New York three months ago, as his factory 
had laid off a large number of hands. Had done odd jobs since. 






The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 83 

Walked the streets three nights the previous week and got coffee 
and rolls on the "bread line." Got a bed for the night this time 
through charity. Expected to get work in a factory when the 
weather became warmer. Drank occasionally but not often. 
Looked competent and of average intelligence. 

No. 21. 

Born in Ireland. Twenty-four years old. Single. Left 
home and had been in America one year. Worked in New York 
as waiter and lost his position three weeks previous to interview. 
Had some money saved but drank and lost it all on the Bowery. 
Walked the streets for one week and frequented the "bread 
line." Had a position, now, waiting on table during the dinner 
hour. Used to work on a farm in Ireland, and said that as soon 
as the weather got warm he would go to the country and look 
for work. Looked somewhat dissipated but hopeful. 

No. 22. 

Born in Brooklyn, N. Y. Twenty-six years old. Single. 
Had no trade. Had lost track of his people. Had travelled a 
good deal by means of freight trains and had been in several 
jails for vagrancy. Had never worked in the country. Said 
when he could get money, he spent it in drink. Secured a bed 
that night through an acquaintance. Looked like a confirmed 
tramp and vagrant. 

No. 23. 

Born in Hartford, Conn., of American parents. Twenty-one 
years old. Single. Parents dead. Had a married sister liv- 
ing in New Jersey, but he did not wish her to know that he was 
out of work. Had been working for years as a carpenter's 
assistant and hoped to become a full-fledged carpenter shortly. 
Had never worked in the country. Had been out of work for 
three months. Spent his money in a vain trip to Philadelphia 



84 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

and back looking for work. Had been doing odd jobs but had 
often gone hungry. Did not like to ask for charity. Expected 
to work as soon as the contractors began the spring building. Did 
not drink. Looked intelligent, bright, and was a very hopeful 
case. Went through the grammar school. 

No. 24. 

Born in Boston of Irish parents. Fifty years old. Single. 
Had no people living. Trade was a hardwood finisher. Never 
worked in the country. Got out of work two months ago. Left 
Boston then and came to New York. Had a little money, but it 
was almost gone. Was crippled but could still work. Drank 
some. He was gray-haired and looked older than he was. 

No. 25. 

Born in Ireland. About sixty years old. Had been married, 
but his wife was dead, and he had no known relatives. Had 
been a seaman a good deal but had no regular trade. He worked 
on a farm two months in the West. Had travelled a good deal. 
He worked occasionally around the docks and made just enough 
to maintain himsefl. When he had money, he spent it rashly. 
Looked like a hard drinker. 

No. 26. 

Born in Boston of American parents. Fifty-seven years old. 
Single. Had no people. His trade was ship's cook. He 
had never worked in the country. Said that he was too old to 
get a position. He secured a bed that night through the kind- 
ness of a friend, also out of work. Had wandered around a 
great deal. He did not look dissipated but he was gray-haired 
and very feeble. 

No. 2J. 

Born in Philadelphia of German parents. About forty years 
old. Single. Trade was that of a sign-painter. Said he had 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 85 

worked mostly in Philadelphia and New York, and that he could 
get plenty of work, but kept losing his positions through drink. 
Had never worked in the country. Said he had people in Phil- 
adelphia but he did not write to them. Looked dissipated. 

No. 28. 

Born near Lynn, Mass., of American parents. Twenty years 
old. Single. Had no trade, but worked as dish-washer or at 
anything he could get. Said that he could run an engine and had 
been working on a boat in New York harbor but had to leave 
three weeks ago, on account of sickness. Was trying to get 
into a hospital. Money nearly gone. Was born and brought 
up on a farm but ran away nearly three years ago and did not 
want to go back, though his father and mother were living. Said 
he spent his money freely when he had it. He did not look dis- 
sipated but appeared to be a consumptive. 

No. 29. 

Born in New York City of Irish parents. About thirty-five 
years old. Single. Had no trade but had worked for years as 
driver on a horse-car. Got out of work four months ago and had 
no prospect of any. Got a small job cleaning out a saloon the 
previous day. Often walked the streets all night and went to 
the "bread line." Did not look very dissipated but evidently 
had no ambition. Did not know where his people were. Never 
worked in the country. 

No. 30. 

Born in Ireland. Sixteen years old. Single. Did not write 
home. Had trade of a cook and had been out of work for two 
weeks. Then had $100.00 and lost it all "on a drunk." Never 
worked in the country. Had walked the streets three nights the 
past week. Was going to New Jersey to look for work. Looked 
dissipated but otherwise capable. 



86 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

No. 31. 

Born in Scotland. Fifty-five years old. Married in Scotland 
and came with family to this country twenty-five years ago. 
Had no trade. Worked at anything he could get. Wife dead. 
Two children living, unable to help him. Had travelled widely. 
Obtained a steady job the previous month. Held it two weeks, 
then went "on a drunk." Still had enough money saved to keep 
him two weeks. Said that if he did not get work before then, 
he would leave New York. He knew a little about farm work 
in Scotland. Looked like a hard drinker. 

No. 32. 

Born in New York City of Irish parents. Sixty years old. 
Single. People all dead. Had no regular trade but had fol- 
lowed the water. Never worked in the country. Had some 
cousins in New York who helped him out a little. He looked dis- 
sipated and feeble. 

No. 33. 

Born in Philadelphia. American parents. Forty-three years 
old., Single. Salesman. Had been out of work all winter 
after losing a position through drink. Had received help from 
several aid societies and missions this winter. Had walked the 
streets a good many nights. Said he never worked in the coun- 
try. Looked dissipated and unreliable. 

No. 34. 

Born in South Carolina. American parents. Twenty years 
old. Single. Did not write home. Said he ran away and his 
people were angry. Had no trade. Never worked in the country. 
Had walked the streets two nights this week. Looked in- 
telligent but wild. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 87 

No. 35. 

Born in Newark, N. J., English parents. Twenty-six years 
old. Single. Had no trade but worked as a janitor. Was in 
the navy for three years and had travelled widely. Had been 
out of work one month. Never worked in the country. Said 
he worked for a while and then "went off on a drunk." His 
people in Newark sent him money once in a while. Looked dis- 
sipated. 

No. 36. 

Born in Ireland. Thirty-eight years old. Single. When seven 
years old came to America with his people. Had two brothers 
and one sister in Schenectady, N. Y. Parents dead. His people 
did not aid him as he drank so much. Never worked in the 
country. Got an odd job now and then. Looked like a hard 
drinker. 

No. 37. 

Born in England. Thirty-six years old. Single. Came to 
American with his people when twelve years old. Went to Fall 
River, Mass., where his people lived. Ran away from home at 
eighteen and had followed the water since. Never worked in the 
country. Was paid off last Saturday. Went on a drunk on the 
Bowery and lost his money and his job. Walked the streets 
two nights, but received help from his people. Looked a little 
dissipated but capable. 

No. 39. 

Born in Yonkers, N. Y. American parents. Forty years old. 
Single. Father lived in Yonkers but was unable to help him. 
Plumber by trade. Did not belong to the Union. Was out of 
work for one month the past winter, but now had a job and was 
renting a room in the Army hotel. Never worked in the country. 
Looked like a hard drinker, but otherwise capable. 



88 The Salvaton Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

No. 40. 

Born in New Haven, Conn. American parents. Twenty-five 
years old. Single. Relatives in New Haven poor. Was a tele- 
graph operator and worked at that trade for two years, but lost 
position on account of bad health. Had worked on a farm quite 
a little, and said as soon as the weather got warmer he was going 
to the country. He now had a room at the Army hotel but his 
money was nearly gone. Looked intelligent and capable. 

No. 41. 

Born in New York City. American parents. Twenty-four 
years old. Single. Did not know where his relatives were. Had 
trade as truck driver, and since losing a steady job two months 
previously had worked at odd jobs about the docks. Spent two 
days at an Army Industrial Home and was now at the Army 
Hotel. He looked like a hard drinker. Never worked in the 
country. 

No. 42. 

Born in Scotland. Twenty-three years old. Single. Relatives 
lived in Scotland and sent him a little money sometimes. Had 
no regular trade. Had worked on the water a good deal. Came 
to New York two years previously, and had no steady work since. 
Had been nine months in the hospital from which he had been 
discharged two weeks. Expected to return to the hospital. 
Looked like a very sick man, but not dissipated. 

No. 43. 

Born in New York City. American parents. Twenty-eight 
years old. Single. No people alive. Had no trade. Had 
travelled around the world and never worked when he could 
help it. Never worked in the country. Looked like a regular 
tramp and hard drinker. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 89 

No. 44. 

Born in Newark, N. J. French parents. Twenty-four years 
old. Single. Had two sisters in Brooklyn. Had no regular 
trade but had been working for three weeks in a grocery store 
and thus had a room in the Army Hotel. Never worked in the 
country. Looked capable and intelligent. 

No. 45. 

Born in Brooklyn. American parents. Twenty-four years old. 
Single. Had people in Brooklyn who were helping him. Had 
no trade but had worked all his life at odd jobs. Could not work 
steadily because of bad habits. Never worked in the country. 
Looked like a hard drinker. 

No. 46. 

Born in Jersey City. Irish parents. Thirty-five years old. 
Single. Was a painter by trade but did not belong to the Union. 
Had been out of work three months. Some friends gave him 
clothes and a little money. Looked intelligent but dissipated. 

No. 47. 

Born in Brooklyn. Irish parents. Thirty years old. Single. 
Had no trade. Worked on a farm in Long Island and hoped to 
go to the country shortly. Had had no steady work the past 
Winter. Had been in the Army Industrial Home six times during 
the Winter. Looked shiftless and dissipated. 

No. 48. 

Born in Lowell, Mass. Italian parents. Twenty years old. 
Single. People lived in Lowell. Had no trade. Never worked 
in the country. Came to Xew York two weeks previously with 
a little money, but this was soon spent and he had walked the 
streets two nights. Entered the Army Hotel through charity. 



90 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

Had written home for money and expected to return there. His. 
appearance was very good. 

No. 49. 

Born in New York. American parents. Forty years old. 
Married. Separated from his wife three months ago because of 
his drinking. Had no trade. Never worked in the country. Had 
been out of work three months. Picked up odd jobs now and 
then, and thus secured a bed. Looked like a hard drinker. 

No. 50. 

Born in Germany. Seventeen years old. Single. Had people 
in Germany who were unable to help him. Had been in this 
country nine months. Said he was on a farm in New York State 
but ran away. The Salvation Army was keeping him, and he 
worked a little around the Hotel. Looked like a promising boy 
but rather wild. 

No. 51. 

Born in Denver, Col. American parents. Twenty-three years 
old. Single. Had people at home who sent him money now and 
then. Was an iron-worker. Belonged to the Union, but said 
the Union had not helped him any. Had been out of work some 
time. Never worked in the country. Had travelled a good deal 
in the United States. Looked bright and promising. 

No. 52. 

Born in Davenport, Washington. Twenty-four years old. 
Single. Had people at home where he had sent for money. Had 
travelled widely. Came to New York five weeks ago from 
Panama where he had been working for eight months. Had to 
leave on account of sickness. Had $100.00 when he came to New 
York but spent nearly all on doctors bills. Still had a little left. 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 91 

Said he had worked a good deal on a farm. Looked capable and 
intelligent. 

No. 53. 

American, born in New York. Thirty years old. Single. 
People dead. Bartender. Did not belong to the Union. Was 
out of work for one month until two weeks previous to interview, 
when he got a job as bartender. Was still working and had a 
room at the Army Hotel. Said he would be all right it he could 
leave drink alone. He never worked in the country. 

No. 54. 

Born in New York. Irish parents. Twenty-eight years old. 
Single. Had quarrelled with his people who lived in New York. 
Painter by trade. Lost his membership in the Union because he 
did not pay his dues. Had had no steady work for a year, but 
had wandered all over the country doing very little work, but 
receiving aid from charitable societies. Said he liked the warm 
weather, so that he could sleep in the parks. Looked shiftless and 
a typical tramp. 

No. 55. 

Born in Norway. About thirty years old. Single. Had 
people in Norway who did not help him. Came to New York 
from his native land two months previously. A carpenter by 
trade. Was working in Jersey and lost position two weeks 
previously. Had money in his pocket and was evidently wise 
enough to keep it. Conversed in broken English. Said he 
worked in the country in Norway. Looked like a capable man. 

No. 56. 

Born in Scotland. Forty-five years old. Single. Came to this 
country with his people when he was nine years old. People had 



92 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

since died. Bookkeeper by trade. Had been out of work all 
Winter. The Scotch Aid Society was keeping him, giving him 
bed and meal tickets. Said he had received help from four 
different missions in New York. Looked incapable and shiftless. 
Never worked in the country. 

No. 57. 

Born in Jersey City. American parents. Twenty-eight years 
old. Single. Had no trade. Did not work if he could help it. 
Came here from the West by means of freight trains. Never 
worked in the country. Looked like a regular tramp. 

No. 58. 

Born in Chicago. Single. Thirty-years old. Had friends in 
Chicago who sent him a little money. Had no trade. Never did 
hard work. Got odd jobs and received aid from missions. Said 
he was a Christian and liked to attend meetings. Had a room 
in the Army Hotel. Said he had been staying there off and on 
for two years. Looked stupid and incapable. 

No. 59. 

Born in Denver, Col. Fifty years old. Single. Plumber by 
trade. Belonged to the Union but left eight months previously 
and had not paid his dues since. Was in business for himself 
at one time, but lost it through drink. Said he got help from the 
missions whenever he could. Never worked in the country. 
Hoped to go West again shortly. Looked feeble and dissipated. 

No. 60. 

American. Born in Springfield, Mass. Fifty-five years old. 
Single. Said his people in Springfield were wealthy but would 
have nothing to do with him. Had no trade. In New York all 
Winter. Had walked the streets a good many nights. Never 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 93 

worked in the country. Charity Organization Society had helped 

him, besides other organizations. Said he had consumption. 
Looked very weak and dissipated. 

No. 61. 

Born in America. Jewish parents. Twenty-six years old. 
Single. Stone-cutter by trade. Said he worked at the Insurance 
business at times. Had been out of work nearly two months. 
Never worked in the country. Looked bright and capable. 

No. 62. 

Born in Cleveland, Ohio. American parents. Twenty-six 
years old. Single. People lived in Cleveland, but did not help 
him. Had worked on a farm nearly all his life. Left the farm 
two years previously and had wandered most of the time since. 
He expected to be sent to the country by the Bowery Mission 
shortly. Looked shiftless but not dissipated. 

No. 63. 

Born in New York. American parents. About fifty years old. 
Married. Said his people were dead. Had no regular trade. 
Did office work, but was nearly always out of work. Said he was 
a Christian. He evidently followed the missions and "got saved" 
every time he needed help. Never worked in the country. Looked 
shiftless and inefficient. 

No. 64. 

Born in Brooklyn. English parents. Thirty years old. 
Married. Quarrelled with his wife five years previously and left 
her. Painter by trade. Did not belong to the Union. Had not 
worked all Winter. Said he had been all around the world 
and had beaten his way whereever he went. Had been in jail 
several times, for vagrancy and drunkness. Never worked in the 
country. Looked like a tramp. 



94 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

No. 65. 

Born in Maine. American parents. Twenty-four years old. 
Single. Had people in Maine from whom he expected help. 
Barber by trade. Came to New York three weeks previously. 
Met some friends on the Bowery and lost all his money. The 
Army was helping him. He had worked somewhat in the 
country. Looked very stupid. 

No. 66. 

Born in Scotland. About sixty years old. Single. Had no 
people. Had no trade. In this country for forty years. Out 
of work all Winter. The Scotch Aid Society had been keeping 
him now for three weeks. He never worked in the country. He 
looked like a regular vargant. 

No. 67. 

Born in Boston. American parents. Twenty-four years old. 
Single. A waiter. Had wandered a good deal, and beaten his 
way by freight trains. Came to New York from the West one 
month previously. Had not worked since, but had been aided 
by the missions and the Army. Evidently did not like to work. 

No. 68. 

Born in Poughkeepsie, N. Y. Irish parents. About thirty-two 
years old. Single. Had no trade. Came to New York two 
weeks previously with some money which he got from his people. 
He had sent home for more. Worked somewhere in the country. 
Said he drank periodically and did not like to work steadily 
Looked very shiftless. 

No. 69. 

Born in Ireland. Twenty-eight years old. Single. Had lost 
track of his people. Had been in this country eight years. Had 



The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 95 

no trade. Had had no steady work all Winter. Drank a good 
deal. Never worked in the country. Looked very wild. 

No. 70. 

Born in New Orleans. Spanish parents. About twenty years 
old. Single. Left home two years ago and took to life on the 
water. Left the boat in New York one month previously and 
had not worked since. Said he liked to sail and see the world. 
His people lived in New Orleans, and he expected help from 
them. Never worked in the country. Looked capable. 

No. 71. 

Born in New York. American parents. About thirty years 
old. Single. Had trade as a bartender. Belonged to the Union. 
Lost a steady job through drink three weeks ago. Was now 
working four hours a day. Had a room in the Army Hotel. 
Said he was going to change his line of business because he 
drank too much. His appearance was good. Never worked in 
the country. 

No. J2. 

Born in Germany. Looked like a Jew. About twenty-five 
years old. Single. Had no trade. Had been out of work three 
months. Was now selling old clothing and other things around 
the Army Hotel. Never worked in the country. Evidently lazy 
and incapable. 

No. 73. 

Born in Illinois. American parents. About twenty-eight 
years old. Single. Ran away from home and was ashamed 
to go back. Had no trade but had worked a good deal as cook 
on board ship. Had been out of work six weeks. Said he 
was sick and had about $200.00, but it did not last long. He 



96 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

was working round the Army Hotel a little every day, for which 
he got his bed and one meal ticket. Never worked in the 
country. Said he was going to join the navy. Looked bright 
and capable. 

No. 74. 

Born in Lithuania. Twenty-three years old. Single. Peo- 
ple at home were poor. Had no trade. In New York three 
years. Out of work two months. Obtained clothes in various 
ways and sold them. Was not dissipated, biit looked lazy. 
Never worked in the country. 

No. 75. 

Born in Yonkers, N. Y. American parents. About sixty-five 
years old. Single. Was an old sailor but had not been to sea 
for over a year. Was working two days a week as janitor. 
Said he had been a hard drinker in the past, but he did not drink 
much now. He looked aged, but still capable. Never worked 
in the country. 

No. 76. 

Born in Boston. Irish parents. About twenty-five years old. 
Single. Had no trade. People did not recognize him. Had 
travelled all over the country. Had been in jail twice. Never 
worked in the country. Looked like a tramp. 

SOME FACTS BROUGHT OUT IN THE 76 HOTEL 
EXAMPLES. 

Per- 
Nationality. No. centage. 

A^merican parentage 35 .461 

Irish parentage 20 .263 

English and Scotch parentage 9 .119 






The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 97 

Per- 

Nationality. No. centage. 

German parentage 8 .105 

Other countries 4 .052 



Married men 7 .095 

Single men 69 .905 

Worked a little in country 13 .169 

Worked considerably in country 5 .065 

Men with regular trades 26 ( 1.) .342 

Union men 4 .052 

Men who looked efficient 15 .197 

Men who looked semi-efficient 14 .184 

Men who looked inefficient 47 .619 

Ages. 

15-20 4 .052 

20 "30 42 -553 

30-40 16 .211 

40-50 6 .079 

50-60 7 ,092 

60-70 1 .013 

Length of time out of work. 

Less than 1 mo 12 .157 

More than 1 mo 13 .171 

More than 2 mos 11 .145 

More than 3 mos 40 .527 



(1) While this percentage is larger than that in the Industrial Homes 
(see p. 62), 62 per cent, of the examples in the Hotels having regular 
trades were dissipated, mostly victims of drink, as against 19 per cent, in 
the Industrial examples. 



98 The Salvation Army Hotels and Lodging Houses. 

FACTS BROUGHT OUT IN THE 109 INDUSTRIAL EX- 
AMPLES AND THE 76 HOTEL EXAMPLES 
COMBINED. 

Per- 
Nationality. No. centage. 

American parentage 76 .411 

Irish parentage 50 .270 

German parentage 26 .141 

English and Scotch parentage iS .098 

Italian parentage 4 .022 

Swedish parentage 4 .038 

Other countries, parentage 7 .20 

Married men 24 .149 

Single men 161 .851 

Worked a little in country 29 .156 

Worked considerably in country 12 .016 

Men with regular trades 57 .309 

Union men 10 .054 

Men who looked efficient 53 .287 

Men who looked semi-efficient 35 .189 

Men who looked inefficient 97 .524 

Ages. 

15-20 6 .032 

20-30 97 o 2 5 

30-40 39 - 2I ° 

40-50 26 . 140 

50-60 5° -° 82 

60-70 2 .011 

Length of time out of work. 

Less than 1 mo 20 .108 

More than 1 mo 3° - I0 3 

More than 2 mos 27 .145 

More than 3 mos 108 .584 



The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 99 

CHAP. III. 
The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

So many times has the cry been raised "back to the land" !, so 
optimistic have so many reformers become over the hope that 
the population could be diverted from the city to the country, 
and so loudly have certain enthusiasts prophesied a surely suc- 
cessful issue to colonizing enterprises, that the Salvation Army 
colonies form a very interesting and profitable field of investiga- 
tion. What is needed is an experiment that will prove or dis- 
prove the prophesied success of taking the people back to the 
land. Once that is proved, with the great Northwest of Amer- 
ica almost untouched, with immense tracts of good land in 
Africa and other continents, and with the United States about to 
open up millions of acres of land, made fertile by means of irri- 
gation, we shall be ready to act and get rid of the surplus city 
population. But first we must have the proof, and the question 
before us is whether the Salvation Army has sufficiently proved 
the case. 

The matter was agitated before the English Government to 
such an extent in 1905 that the Rhodes Trustees, contributing 
sufficint funds to cover the expense, the Secretary of State for 
the Colonies nominated Mr. Rider Haggard, the novelist, to visit 
the United States and inspect the three Salvation Army colonies 
there, to make a report on the same, and to include in this report 
any practical suggestions which might occur to him. The fol- 
lowing words were used in the letter of commission : "It appears 
to the Secretary of State that if these experiments are found to 
be successful, some analogous system might to great advantage be 
applied in transferring the urban population of the United King- 
dom to different parts of the United Kingdom." (1.) 

Mr. Haggard visited the three colonies in the United States, 
and made a report to the English Government, favoring strongly 



(1) "The Poor and the Land." Introduction, p. VI. 



ioo The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

the movement, and recommending that the Government take it 
up, provide the capital and utilize all ready existing- organiza- 
tions, such as the Salvation Army, in carrying out its scheme. 
The matter was referred by the Government to the Departmental 
Committee, who, after reviewing it and looking into the question 
in 1906, issued a long report in which they discountenanced Mr. 
Haggard's scheme on the ground that: 

1. It was better for settlers from England to be scattered 
about with experienced farmers as neighbors than to be 
placed in a number together. 

2. The Salvation Army or any similar organization was 
not a desirable management for a colony dependent on 
money advanced by the Imperial Government. 

3. That Ft. Romie and Ft. Amity, the American farm col- 
onies of the Salvation Army, were not precedents upon 
which a large scheme of colonization could be based. (1.) 

The Committee gave reasons for arriving at the above con- 
clusions, into which, for the present, we need not enter, but 
their conclusions are suggestive, and may be borne in mind while 
we make our study of the subject. 

Gen. Booth, in his plans as outlined in "Darkest England," 
provided for three main divisions of the work for the unem- 
ployed poor, viz., the City Colony, the Country Colony and the 
Over-sea Colony, signifying by these terms the City Industrial 
Work, the Country Industrial Colony, and the Farm Colony. (2.) 
The last named was to be on a larger scale on some Colonial 
territory of England. This division has tended to persist in the 
United States, and this country has been the field for special 
experiments along this line. There are three Colonies in the 
United States: Fort Herrick, situated near Cleveland, Ohio; 
Fort Amity, situated in Southeast Colorado, and Ft. Romie, 
which is located at Soledad in the Salinas Valley, California. 



(1) "Report of Departmental Committee," pp. 8, 9, 10. 

(2) "William Booth," p. 83. 



The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 101 

At first there was no differentiation between these Colonies, but 
latterly, the Colony at Ft. Herrick, the smallest of the three, has 
been managed as an Industrial Colony, and the other two have 
continued as regular Farm Colonies. The plan of "Commander" 
Booth-Tucker, in charge of the Salvation Army in the United 
States from 1896 until 1904, and the originator of these Colon- 
ies, was, in brief, as he states it, to take the waste labor in fam- 
ilies, and place it upon the waste land by means of waste capital, 
and thereby to convert this trinity of waste into a unity of pro- 
duction. (1.) His waste labor was the family struggling in the 
crowded city; his waste land, the large tracts of public land 
about to be opened up by irrigation; and his waste capital, if 
such a term can be used, was the capital lying idle, or at least, 
making 2 1-2 or 3 per cent., when according to his estimate, it 
could yield 5 per cent. The principles which he laid down were 
as follows: 

1. There must be sufficiency of capital. 

2. The land must be carefully selected and laid out. 

3. The colonists must be well selected. 

4. There must be able supervision. 

5. The principle of home ownership must be followed. 

6. God must be recognized. 

From our investigations at Ft. Romie and Ft. Amity, we 
arrived at the conclusion that No. 4 and No. 6 were the only 
ones thoroughly carried out; that there was a weakness in the 
amount of capital (Prin. No. 1) ; that an unfortunate selection of 
land was made (Prin. No. 2) ; that the successful colonists did 
not entirely represent the class from which we should wish them 
to be taken (Prin. No. 3) ; and that ownership gave way largely 
to a system of renting-out by the Army (Prin. No. 5). For 
verification of this, see the typical cases at the end of the chapter. 

Commander Booth-Tucker advanced the argument, which is 
sound, to the effect that, when entire families were taken from 



(1) "The S. A. in the U. S.," p. 15. 



102 The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

the city and placed on the land, the tendency to return to the city 
would be overcome. It has been the experience of philanthropists, 
that when single men and women were transferred from the city 
to the country, they always tended to return, the reason being 
due to an acquired fondness of the individual for intimate as- 
sociation with his fellows, (i) but when a man has his wife and 
children, together with a plot of land and a home which he may 
call his own, the attraction toward the city is overcome, by a 
stronger one which keeps him where he is. Of course, this would 
answer for the one generation only. 

Leaving out the small colony at Ft. Herrick, Ohio, which was 
changed to an Industrial Colony, and which is considered in the 
chapter on the Industrial Work, let us examine more closely the 
Farm Colonies at Ft. Amity, Col., and Ft. Romie, Cal. The 
larger enterprise was set on foot in Colorado, in 1898, where a 
tract of 2,000 acres was secured at a cost of $46,000.00. In this 
year, fourteen families were brought from Chicago and placed 
on the bare, unimproved prairie, where, however, there was 
abundant water supply carried by a large irrigation company. 
These colonists were all family men with two exceptions, and 
nine of the heads of families had either been on farms or had 
worked on farms in the past. (2) They were in narrow cir- 
cumstances financially, and the transportation expenses of all 
except one of these families were paid by the Army. With this 
migration as a basis, the number of colonists was greatly in- 
creased by families from different cities and also from the sur- 
roundng country, until in 1905, there were thirty-eight families. 
Several were brought to the Colony as experienced men to 
act as pace-setters for the others. (3) Some came with a small 
amount of capital. 

Owing to the fact that the land was covered by a heavy sod 
which needed considerable working, no crops were raised the 



(1) See Giddings' "Principles of Sociology," p. 291. 

(2) "The Poor and the Land," p. 75. 

(3) See example No. 8 at the end of the chapter, p. 115. 



The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 103 

first year, and only fair crops the second. During the first year, 
the colonists were supported by cash loans which were charged 
against them. After the first two years, crops were good (1), 
and the outlook was promising, in spite of certain insect pests, 
but after about seven years a great difficulty showed itself. The 
land on which the Colony was located was alkali land, and bottom 
land, without any drainage. The result of constant irrigation was 
that the alkali rose to the surface in larger and larger quantities, 
until no good crop could be raised. The only salvation was to 
drain the land and thus rid it of the blighting alkali. This meant 
an expense of from $30.00 to $40.00 an acre. At the present 
time draining is being rapidly pushed forward and is proving 
very beneficial, but it can be easily seen what a discouragement 
the alkali has proved to the colonists, and what an additional 
expense is laid upon them and the Colony; an expense which 
it will take years of good crops to overcome. (2.) 

Up to 1905, about eighteen families, not satisfied with the re- 
sults obtained, had moved away, and their places had been filled 
by others. A very few of the departing families moved because 
of ill-health; some thought that they could do better elsewhere 
as farmers ; some even had considerable money as a result 
of their holdings in the Colony (3). Since 1905, there has been 
a good deal of changing, and at present a large part of the Colony 
land is rented out by the Army to settlers ; some being from the 
country, and some from the city (4). A small number of the 



(1) About this time, Mr. Curtis, describing the colony in the Chicago 
Record, said "There is no neater group of houses in Colorado, and no 
more contented community in the world. Nearly every one has written 
to friends urging them to join the next colony that comes out, and Ihus I 
judge they are enthusiastic over their success and the pleasures 1hey 
enjoy." 

(2) See principle No. 2, p. 101. 

(3) "The Poor and the Land," p. 78. 

(4) See principle No. 5, p. 101. 



104 The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

old pioneer colonists still remain and have done well with their 
holdings in spite of all difficulties, (i.) 

The Army stated in 1905, that the financial standing of this 
Colony showed a net loss to the Army of $23,111.50, and a gain 
to the colonists of $37,943.77. It considered its loss a cheap price 
for the experience gained, but thought that it had erred in giving 
the colonists too liberal terms. (2.) By this time the loss to the 
Army is considerably greater, owing to the increased expense of 
drainage. (3). 

At the present time (January, 1908), the population of this 
Colony is about 200. Nearly all the land is occupied in one way 
or another, either by colonists who own, or partially own, their 
land, or by renters, who are also called colonists. Several homes 
are vacant, but it is expected that they will be filled by renters 
before the Spring season opens. The little village consists of 
several stores, a blacksmith shop, a substantial railroad depot, 
a post office, a small hotel and a school house. A good many of 
the homes are built of stone, quarried on the Colony, and present 
a good appearance. Up on the higher land is situated a large 
stone structure, built by the colonists at an expense to the Army 
of $18,000.00, and first used as an orphanage, then as a sani- 
torium, and now abandoned. Irrigation ditches with a good flow 
of water are in evidence, and preparations for draining the land 
are under way. That this is necessary is forced upon us by the 
many white patches scattered here and there where the water, 
having evaporated, has left the destructive alkali salt on the sur- 
face of the ground. 

When we come to consider the other Farm Colony, Ft. Romie, 
situated at Soledad, Cal., in the beautiful Salinas Valley, we re- 
ceive a more favorable impression, although we find that the 
Colony here has had many difficulties with which to contend. 
The Colony is smaller than that at Ft. Amity, but the land 



(1) See several examples at the end of this chapter, p. 137. 

(2) "The Poor and the Land," p. 82. 

(3) See principle No. 1, p. tot. 



The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 105 

is better. The original 500 acres has been increased by the 
addition of a lease of 150 acres with the option of buying. In 
the year 1898, eighteen families were taken from the poor of 
San Francisco and placed upon the Colony, but unforeseen con- 
ditions prevailed, and, as a result, but one of these families re- 
mains to-day. (1) The great mistake was made of settling 
colonists upon land which needed irrigation, before that irriga- 
tion was provided. This mistake was brought out the more 
vividly, in that the three first years of the. Colony's existence were 
years of drought, bringing evil to most parts of the State, and 
especially to that land which, like the Colony land, only received 
a slight rain-fall at best. The result of the first years of this 
experiment, then, was an abandoning of the land by the colonists, 
and a loss to the Army of $27,000.00. 

The experiment was continued, however, but with very differ- 
ent conditions. An excellent irrigation system was established, 
and a new lot of settlers brought to the Colony; not, this time, 
from the city, but from the surrounding country. These people 
were poor, but accustomed to the land. The result, as might be 
expected this time, was more favorable. It was stated in 1905 
that no colonists had left since 1901. (2.) In May, 1903, there 
were nineteen families ranged according to nationality as fol- 
lows: — Thirteen American; Two Scandinavian; One Finn; One 
German-Swiss; One Dutch and one Italian. There are now 
twenty-five families, and about one hundred and forty-five persons 
on the Colony. The nucleus of a town is to be seen with two or 
three stores, a blacksmith shop, and a good sized Town Hall. 
Near the Colony is a school house with an attendance of about 
fifty children, most of them being colonists' children. 

An irrigation plant has been established and is now owned and 
worked by the colonists, formed in a joint-stock company. The 
colonists raise beets, potatoes, alfalfa, fruits of different kinds, 
and stock. A large part of their income is derived from the 



(1) "The Poor and the Land," p. 39. 

(2) See Pamphlet, "Review of Salvation Army Land Colony in Cali- 
fornia." 



106 The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

dairying industry. They ship their cream to a creamery at 
Salinas, about twenty-five miles distant. 

Much could be said about the healthy appearance and happy 
life of the members of this Colony, but as they have not been 
brought from the unhealthy, squalid misery of the city, this is not 
of so much interest. The women work in the vegetable gardens 
and with the stock, as well as in the home ; and the older 
children help their parents. 

Along the lines of co-operation, in both colonies there are in- 
teresting features. At stated intervals, the colonists meet in the 
form of a Farmers' Club, and discuss questions relative to the 
success of their individual farms and to the Colony as a whole. 
They also have lecturers come from a distance to address 
them on the latest phases of horticulture, agriculture, fertilization 
and irrigation. The colonists also embark in business enterprises 
like the stock company formed in the California Colony for the 
control and management of the irrigation plant. In this plant, 
one of the colonists is engineer, and another the superintendent 
of water supply. Another important institution of this same 
Colony is the Rochdale store, which does most of the retail busi- 
ness in the Colony. This store, in its management and organi- 
zation, follows the co-operative Rochdale system, which has at- 
tained strength in England and is growing in the United States. 
The store is incorporated in the State of California as a co- 
operative corporation, and holds a membership in the State 
Rochdale Wholesale Co. It has already extended beyond the 
limits of the Colony and counts among its members others than 
colonists. The colonists also take active interest in local affairs 
of all kinds. In one colony, the rural mail carrier is a colonist, 
and the school teacher the wife of a colonist. At Ft. Amity, 
a colonist is now sheriff of the County for the second time. 

Social and religious life is also fostered in the Colonies. A 
variety of religious sects is represented, and no compulsion is 
exercised towards any one of them. At Ft. Romie the Army 
has an organized corps, which holds meetings once in the week 



The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 107 

and once on Sunday, also having a Sunday school for the chil- 
dren. At Ft. Amity similar conditions prevail. On both colonies 
a good moral influence is found and there are no evil surround- 
ings ; hence in neither colony is there a local officer of the law. 
In the contract which every colonist signs on taking his land 
there is a temperance clause to this effect: 

"And part}- of the second part hereby agrees to and with party 
of the first part that, in consideration of the benefits derived from 
this contract, he will not bargain, sell, barter or trade upon said 
land any intoxicating liquors, or otherwise dispose of as beverages 
any intoxicants, at any place upon said premises or any part thereof, 
or permit the selling of the same, or any illegal traffic or any act or 
acts prohibited by law.'' 

The same clause goes on to provide for the return of the 
land to the Army in case of its being violated. 

From this brief description it is seen that much of the suc- 
cess of these colonies must rest on the management. The man- 
ager must be large-hearted and broad-minded. He must be 
supervisor, instructor, moderator, counsellor and friend. The 
Army has been very fortunate in placing fit men in these posi- 
tions, and if in other things it had been equally fortunate, its col- 
onies would have made a better showing. 

As regards the financial methods of the Army in dealing with 
the colonists, the following extract from a memorandum of in- 
formation issued by the Ft. Romie Colony, California, gives 
typical information. 

1. Land: Twenty acres of land are sold to each colonist. The 
price of unimproved land at this date, 1904, is $100.00 per acre. 
This price, however, is liable to be increased at any time. (1) 

2. Buildings : Houses, barns and other buildings are constructed 
by the colonists. Materials are furnished in quantities by the Army 
according to the size of the colonist's family, somewhat after the 
following schedule. For a family with one or two small chil- 



(1) The price of land at Ft. Amity would be different, and there, too, 
the Army sometimes rents to the colonists an additional acreage. 



108 The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

dren, a two-room house, about 14x24 outside measurement, for 
which we appropriate not over $125.00. This is to include a 
small barn or shed for horses, cows, etc. For a family with 
three or four small children, a three-room house about 18x24, 
costing with barn, etc., not over $175.00. For a larger family, 
perhaps a four or five-room house, limiting the appropriation 
for the same to $225.00. Colonists can suit themselves as to 
the style of the house, but must satisfy the manager that it can 
be erected within the limits of the appropriation named. The 
colonist can add to the size of the house as he gets on his finan- 
cial feet. 

3. Terms: On land breaking and other permanent land im- 
provements, the colonists are given 20 years' time. The principal 
and interest are payable in installments each year. 

4. Outfit: To colonists unable to purchase them, the Army 
furnishes the necessary implements and stock, consisting of the 
following: Team of horses, cow, hogs, chicken, seed, etc., se- 
cured by chattel mortgage. The interest on outfit and loans is 
fixed at 6 per cent. It is expected that the principal and interest 
will be repaid in installments each year. All outfits and loans are 
to be repaid within five years. (1.) 

We have briefly outlined the most prominent features of the 
Farm Colonies, but the final questions now arise, is the movement 
sound; what does it signify, and what development does the 
future hold for it? For one thing we must not be led astray by 
the statements of the Army. The continued existence of the 
colonies, in the face of great difficulties, through the term of 
eight or nine years they have been carried on, is not in itself 
an argument for the soundness of the movement. From ocean 
to ocean and throughout the world, the Army has advertised its 
success in colonizing enterprises, and hence it had a set purpose 
in maintaining and continuing its colonies, even though they 
should be failures from our point of view, and even though they 



(1) "Memorandum of Information Respecting the Salvation Army- 
Colony at Ft. Romie, California." 



The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 109 

should not fulfil the purpose originally intended by the Army 
itself. As has been remarked with regard to the industrial col- 
onies, so here, we would emphasize the fact that the Army has 
no need to fear acknowledgement that the colonies have not been 
successful, because it has other credit upon which to depend for 
its reputation for usefulness. After looking at it from all sides, 
we come to the conclusion that the two experiments considered 
in these pages do not justify an extension of this work. This 
conclusion is based on several reasons : 

1. Many of the successful colonists are not men who needed 
help the most, and many are not from the City at all. 

2. The colonies have been, and are, an undue expense to the 
organization. 

3. The same amount of energy and money would be more 
beneficial to the unemployed if used along other lines. 

4. The principles advanced as essential by the originators of 
the movement were only partially carried out. (1) 

Our first reason is based partly on personal investigation, and 
partly on the statements of the Army itself. (2) There are, as 
will be seen from examples given, certain places wmere families 
from the city without previous experience have made a success 
of the colonies, but these are greatly in the minority (3). If, in 
the case of the California Colony at Fort Romie, when seven- 
teen out of the original number of families taken from the city, 
left on account of the lack of water, the next group of settlers 
had again been chosen from the city, after water had been 
secured, a more conclusive experiment would have resulted, but 
instead, the second group were, "farmers by profession." (4) 
This looks as though the Army itself at that time doubted the 
ability of the city families to succeed on the land. At any rate, 



(1) For these principles see p. 101 of this chapter. 

(2) See "The Poor and the Land," p. 40 and fl. 

(3) See examples at end of chapter. 

(4) See "The Poor and the Land," p. 47. 



no The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

the fact that the majority of the families at the present time on 
the colonies are not from the city at all, shows that, as an ex- 
periment of removing the surplus population of the city to the 
country, the colonies are a failure. But further, when we take 
the minority, the families now in the colonies who came from 
the city, we find that, in most cases, they are not people who 
needed help the most, and those who have succeeded on the 
colonies, have succeeded because of elements in their character 
which would have led them to succeed in the long run anywhere, 
with favorable environment. In this case then, the only advan- 
tage in taking these people from the city was to leave more 
room there for somebody else, and this is not much of an ad- 
vantage, since that "somebody else" is quite likely to come from 
the country to the city, and thus not be one of the city's sub- 
merged ones at all. Again, if, as we have just stated, men suc- 
ceed in the country because of the same elements of character 
which would lead them to succeed anywhere, then the reason 
for their failing to succeed in the city would lie in an unfavorable 
environment, and to change their environment, it is not necessary 
to carry on a system of paternalistic colonies. This leads us to 
the question of assisted emigration, which we will discuss in con- 
nection with our third objection to the colonies. 

As regards the second reason, that of undue expense, Mr. 
Haggard in 1905, found a loss to the Army of $50,000. While, 
since that time, in the case of the California Colony, there has 
been no further loss, yet in the case of the colony in Colorado, 
there has been much expenditure which should be added to the 
original loss. The Army states that it has been too liberal in 
its dealings with its colonists, but we note that, in spite of its 
liberality, there has been a constant tendency for the colonists 
to leave, hoping to do better elsewhere. ( 1 ) The Army might reply 
that this is no argument, and that the fact that they were able 
to leave with funds on hand was in itself a proof of liberality 
on the Army's part, but to prove the success of its experiment, 



(1) See the "Poor and the Land," p. 82. 



The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. in 

it must show that those who have left have done better else- 
where, and not drifted back once more to the city. The Army 
might further state that in future a better selection of land 
might be made, and that other unfavorable things might be 
avoided, but we are dealing here with these two colonies and not 
future experiments. As regards such, there would always be 
unforseen difficulties of every kind, (i.) 

Coming to the third reason for our conclusion, the reason that 
money might be expended in other ways with greater advantage 
to the unemployed, and with greater relief to the congestion of 
cities, we refer again to the recommendations of the Depart- 
mental Committee appointed by the English government to con- 
sider Commissioner Haggard's report. (2.) In their report they 
recommend a system of emigration from the city to the English 
possessions, such as Canada, aided by the government, in pref- 
erence to the system of colonization. With this we agree. A 
man once transported from the city and then thrown on his 
own resources in a favorable rural environment, will be more 
likely to succeed than a man who is taken out with a number of 
others to form a colony. The man left to his own resources will 
irise to the occasion, as so many have done in both Canada and 
the United States, who have migrated from city to country and 
made successful farmers and citizens, while, on the other hand, 
the man who feels dependent on an organization, which is respon- 
sible to the public for his success, and its own, will blame it for his 
own lack of efficiency. The Army itself claims a successful work 
done along the lines of emigration. In 1905, through the agency 
of the Army, 2,500 men were sent out from London to Canada. 
This number has since increased every year until in 1907 over 
15,000 men were sent out. Many other emigration societies have 
been very successful in this work. (3.) The emigrants sent out 



(1) See "Report of Departmental Committee," p. 14 and fl. 

(2) Ibid. 

(3) Mr. John Manson in his book "The Salvation Army and the Pub- 
lic," p. 133 and following, states that in this work the Army has merely 
acted the part of a business agency. We think that he has ground for this 



112 The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

with some assistance, in many cases, gain new ambitions in life and 
make pronounced successes on the new soil. As regards the cost, 
the following quotation may be submitted. "The cost of emigra- 
tion to Canada from England does not amount to more than 
£10 a head, and some of the societies, especially those main- 
tained by women, seem to be successful in securing repayment 
of at least a part of the money advanced. In other words, $300,- 
000.00, which Mr. Rider Haggard assumes as a necessary sum 
for forming a colony of 1,500 families, would enable at least 
6,000 families to go out as emigrants." (1.) With regard to condi- 
tions in the large cities of the United States and other countries, 
we believe that the same arguments would apply, and that, in 
every case, assisted emigration will be found far more feasible 
and beneficial than any system of colonization. Again, for rea- 
sons already given, in addition to there being six thousand 
families aided by emigration, for the same sum as fifteen hun- 
dred families could be by colonization, the relief given would be 
far preferable. In other words, emigration has been proved suc- 
cessful, while colonization has not. 

Coming back to the conclusions reached by Mr. Haggard on 
his recommendations to the English government: Mr. Haggard, 
after stating that the two experiments, outside of a slight fail- 
ure of finance, seemed to him to be eminently successful, says 
that, given certain requisites, 

"It will, I consider, be strange if success is not attained even in 
the case of poor persons taken from the cities, provided that they 
, are suited in character, the victims of misfortune and circumstan- 
ces rather than of vice, having had some acquaintance or connec- 
tion with the land in their past life, and having also an earnest de- 
sire to raise themselves and their children in the world." 

Now two of the "requisites" he mentions are, "that the land 
should be cheap as well as suitable" and "that markets also with 



statement, but we also think that the Army would be far more useful 
along these lines than an ordinary business agency. 
(1) See Report of Departmental Committee, p. 6. 



The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 113 

accessibility and convenience of location should be borne in 
mind," two rather difficult requisites to be found together. 
Again, in the above quotation he lays down other provisos; 
among these being one that the people selected should have had 
some acquaintance or connection with the land in their past lives, 
a rather indefinite proviso in itself, but, from a list of poor men 
out of work or in irregular or casual employment in London and 
the other large cities in England in 1901 and 1906, compiled by 
Mr. Wilson Fox, we find that out of a total of 8,793 suc ^ m en > 
ninety per cent were town born. (1) We also find in New York 
City in the spring of 1908, that out of a total of 185 destitute men, 
about eighty per cent were town born. (2) That then leaves 
ten per cent in the case of England and twenty per cent in the 
case of New York City from which to select or choose the ones 
needed for a colonizing enterprise. 

Mr. Fox has also shown in his investigations : 

I. That the countrymen who migrate to London are mainly 
the best youth of the villages. 

2.That the incomers usually get the pick of the posts, especially 
outdoor trades. 

3. Country immigrants do not to any considerable extent di- 
rectly recruit the town unemployed who are, in the main, the 
sediment deposited at the bottom of the scale, as the physique 
and power of application of the town population tends to deteri- 
orate. (3.) 

The conclusion is then, that it would be difficult to get the men 
according to Mr. Haggard's requirements, and difficult to get 
the land according to his requirements, and even if such were 
obtained, for reasons already stated there is no justification for 
a large colonizing enterprise in the two experiments described in 
this chapter. 



(1) See Report of Departmental Committee, p. 3. 

(2) See tables p. 98 of this book. 

(3) See Report of Departmental Committee, p. 30: 



H4 The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

Examples of Colonists taken from Ft. Amity by the author in 

January, 1908. 

No. 1. 

Elderly man. Widower. Had three grown-up children in the 
Colony at various times. Had one son a colonist with farm of 
his own. Was not a Salvationist. Came from Chicago where 
he was a tailor. Had a farm near the railroad depot which he 
considered valuable. Had two small houses. Rented one. 
Raised alfalfa. Was sole agent for a coal company. Claimed 
he made $1,500.00 last year, mostly in the coal business. Said 
draining now being done on the Colony was very expensive. 
Considered the Colony a good thing. 

No. 2. 

Middle aged man. Married. One child. Had experience in 
the country before coming to the Colony. Had forty acres of 
Colony land which he had rented, and which he wished to sell at 
$106.00 per acre. Had mostly worked for the railroad in the 
station office. Wished to leave the Colony. Said he could not 
raise a vegetable garden owing to alkali and insect pests. 

No. 3. 

A new man. About thirty years old. One year out from Chi-' 
cago, where he worked at different trades. Had wife and one 
child. Rented a house on the Colony and worked in one of the 
Colony stores. Had no money saved and saw no immediate 
chance of betterment. Liked the country better than the city, 
because his wife had better health. 

No. 4. 

Young married man. No children. Son of a Colonist and 
married to a daughter of a Colonist, whose father was sheriff 
of the County. Had good looking cottage and barns. Was 
doing well. 



The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 115 

No. 5. 

About fifty years old. Salvation Army officer. In the Colony 
six years. Had son twenty-one, and together they worked a farm 
of sixty acres. He owned twenty and rented forty. His life 
was despaired of by the doctors, but he was enjoying good health 
at time of interview. Doing well financially. 

No. 6. 

About forty-five. Original Colonist. Married. Had four 
children. Came from Chicago, where he was a carpenter. Owned 
land in the Colony which he rented out. Ran a hardware store 
in the Colony and was partner in the Colony bank. Had prop- 
erty valued at $5,000.00. Had no capital when he came to the 
Colony. 

No. 7. 

About forty-eight years old. Original Colonist. Married and 
had nine children. Was railroad clerk in Chicago; at $12.00 per 
week. Owned a corner lot on the town site where he ran a 
grocery store. Had property in Chicago worth $1,000.00 when 
he came to the Colony. Was worth $8,000.00 at time of inter- 
view. 

No. 8. 

A farmer, from surrounding country, induced by Colony man- 
agement to invest in Colony land and tract as a "pace-setter" to 
the other colonists. Thus secured forty acres at $70.00 per acre. 
Had introduced the sheep industry. Bought up young lambs in 
Mexico, fattened them, and sold at a profit. Had been two years 
on the Colony. Made $5,000.00 net, per year. Had four thou- 
sand sheep. 

No. 9. 

Middle aged man. Married. Original colonist. Was ex- 
pressman in Chicago, but previous to coming to the Colony had 



n6 The Farm Colonies of the Salvation Army. 

to leave family and go to work in the woods while the wife 
worked. Had taken out a government homestead outside of the 
Colony. Gave up his holdings on the Colony and was working 
as farm boss for a neighboring farmer while his wife ran a 
boarding house. 

No. 10. 

Scotchman. About fifty years old. Married. Had five chil- 
dren. In the Colony for six years. Arrived there with $25.00. 
Was carpenter in Chicago. Was worth $1,000.00 when inter- 
viewed. Was arranging to sell his holdings and go away, as 
he thought he could do better elsewhere. 

No. 11. 

About forty-five years old. Belonged to the Army. " Married. 
One child. Came from Baltimore, Md., where he worked as 
a teamster. The Army paid family's fare to the Colony. Made 
a failure of his holding on the Colony and was making a bare 
living by running the Colony hotel and doing teaming. His 
failure was due to alkali and insect pests. His wife was sick 
before coming, but became better and was evidently the more 
efficient member of the partnership. 

No. 12. 

Thirty-five years old. Married. Two children. Brother of 
Army officer and son of example No. 1. In the Colony eight 
years. Used to be street-car conductor in Chicago. Gave up 
one holding in the Colony on account of alkali and took another, 
where he was doing well at time of interview. 

No. 13. 

About forty years old. Married. Came from the country. 
Rented a house on the Colony and worked as a section-hand on 
the railroad. 



The Salvation Army Slum Department. 117 

CHAPTER IV. 
The Salvation Army Slum Department. 

So much has been written on the question of the slums in 
the past few years ; so many settlements, evening recreation cen- 
ters, summer playgrounds, clubs, visiting nurses' associations, 
and kindergarten associations have been organized; so much has 
been done by tenement house commissions and tenement laws ; 
so many churches have * turned from their original efforts to 
the slums; that we wonder why so little is heard of what the 
Army, the organization supposed especially to represent the poor, 
is doing in this direction. To tell the truth, if we go down into 
the slums, either those of Deptford, Whitechapel, or of West- 
minster, in London ; or those of the Jewish, the Italian, the 
Negro, or the Irish quarters in New York, or those of the Slav 
or Jewish quarters in Chicago, expecting to find there the work 
of the Army much in evidence, we shall be disappointed. What 
slum work is done by the Army in these densely populated cor- 
ners is done with love and earnest hearts, with sacrifice and the 
best of intentions ; but apparently it does not bear fruit in the same 
proportion as does the work of the settlement, whether church 
settlement or secular, or in the same proportion as many of the 
kindergartens, summer playgrounds and evening recreation cen- 
ters. Nevertheless, the slum post of the Army is doing valuable 
work and should be supported. 

A sweeping tenement house reform can do more than any 
number of settlements ; a settlement can do more than the Army 
slum post; but neither the tenement reform nor the settlement 
does the work that a slum post does. Probably the work done 
by other organizations most nearly allied to that of the Army 
slum post is that done by the various organizations of church 
deaconesses, which have been growing rapidly in late years, in 
which women are employed by the churches to visit the poor 
in their homes, and nurse the sick, besides other duties. If we 
depend or count largely on the Army slum work to reform the 



u8 The Salvation Army Slum Department. 

slums, we shall be disappointed in learning that, after years of 
successful growth in the Industrial and Social Departments, the 
Army has but twenty slum posts in the United States (i), some 
of these being very small, and that it has no large number in 
other countries. Such as it is, the work is well worth while. 
But let us examine its origin, present status and the reason for 
its relatively small growth. 

In the beginning of the Army movement, Mrs. Booth, the 
late wife of General Booth, supplemented her husband's work 
by a personal visitation of the people in their homes. She proved 
the utility of this work and also its place among the the works 
of women. From her early efforts has sprung the more widely 
organized department of slum work. 

The slum work may be divided into three divisions : visitation 
work, the slum nursery, and the maintenance of the slum post. 
Wearing a humbler garb, even, than the regular Army uniform, 
the lassies start out on their daily tours of visitation. They take 
care of the sick, and at the same time, they clean the home and 
put everything in Order. Often they come upon cases of need 
and of want, and then they provide the little necessaries : a sack of 
coal, a supply of food, or some needed clothing. They take the 
children from the worn-out woman and amuse and instruct 
them, while the mother does her work; and, wherever they go, 
although most plainly dressed, they are clean and neat, and they 
strive to make everything else clean and neat. 

While this visitation work is going on, another most urgent 
need is being supplied by the slum nursery. Here the mother 
can leave her children in the morning, when she goes to her 
work, and find them safely waiting for her in the evening, clean 
and happy. A charge of five cents per day is made to cover the 
expense of feeding the children. During the day they are well 
cared for, the younger ones properly nursed, and the older 
ones taught simple little kindergarten games and songs. Some- 
times children are brought here and never called for again, in 



(i) This number has continued the same for five years. 



The Salvation Army Slum Department. 119 

which case the Army lassies in charge must find some permanent 
home for them, but this does not often happen, as the mothers 
of the children are usually known by the Army workers. At 
the slum nursery in Cincinnati there is also a free clinic, where 
sick women and children go for treatment. Two of the most 
efficient physicians of the city furnish free aid, and the medicines 
necessary are provided. 

In addition to the visitation work and the nursery, the main- 
tenance of the slum post means the keeping of slum quarters 
and a slum hall. The "quarters" are the two or more rooms 
where the lassies live, and they are located where most can be 
accomplished in the way of example and influence. The hall is 
for the carrying on of slum meetings, for these are regularly 
held. In these meetings the roughest crowd of men, women 
and children is awed into respect and reverence by the simple 
slum lassies with their songs and music. Again, in this little 
hall, the children of the neighborhood are gathered in a Sun- 
day School and taught by the slum officers. It is a most in- 
teresting spectacle to watch these children. ' Many different 
nationalities are represented, the dark races and the light. As 
children, these nationalities mingle together more freely than in 
adult life. J 

A special aspect of the slum post is the distribution of char- 
itable relief to the needy. It is specially situated, and has advan- 
tages for this purpose; hence it becomes the distributing depot 
for bread, soup and coal in winter, and ice in summer. For 
instance, from one slum post in New York during the winter 
of 1907-8, 2,800 loaves of bread were given out in one week, 
and for some months, an average of from 300 to 1,000 loaves, 
besides an average of two tons of coal per week. Some of this, 
naturally, would go to the undeserving, but the slum officers, as 
a rule, know the people of their immediate neighborhood, and 
can exercise due discretion. 

The failure of the Army slum work to increase in the same 
proportion as its other branches of the social work, and its non- 



120 The Salvation Army Slum Department. 

existence in many quarters of our cities where it is most needed, 
is due to two causes. One is the fact that the Army slum 
post ,more than the Army industrial home or the Army hotel, 
is a religious institution, and is continually advertising and press- 
ing on the public its peculiar doctrines. The slum officers are 
imbued with the idea that personal salvation according to the 
doctrines of the Army is the all-essential need. They would 
not be engaged in this work themselves were it not for the hold 
these doctrines have upon them. The slum post holds its regu- 
lar meetings, exhorting its hearers to get "saved," in its own 
original way. At Sunday School, the children are taught that 
certain things are wrong and sinful, and these very things are 
common-place in their own homes though, possibly some of them 
of not much detriment. But, in a community almost entirely 
Catholic or Jewish, such aggressive evangelism is not likely to 
increase the influence of its advocates. Many settlements have 
learned with grief, this very same lesson. Another reason for 
the lack of success is the mental calibre of those engaged in 
the work. However, the devotion and self-sacrifice of the Army 
slum sisters is one of the most touching and sublime elements of 
the slums, and it is all the more touching when it is to some extent 
misdirected and misplaced. To see the tact, patience and per- 
severance of these "Slum Angels" as they are often called, is a 
divine object lesson in itself, and much of their work is not done 
in vain, as many would testify. 

A useful experiment is under way at one former slum post, 
94 Cherry Street, New York City. In place of the old building 
formerly rented by the Army here and used as a shim post, the 
Army has built a commodious six-story building, which it calls 
a settlement. One floor is given to a hall and parlor. Two 
floors are given over to rooms to be used as class, club 
and kindergarten rooms. One floor is fitted up with a din- 
ing room and kitchen, and another with a large dormitory 
and living room, to be used as a Girls' Home. On the roof, 
preparations are under way for a roof garden and play-ground, 
while washing facilities are provided in the basement, where poor 



The Salvation Army Slum Department. 121 

mothers can bring their clothes and wash them. Already the 
New York Kindergarten Association has two kindergartners busy 
here. Two sewing classes, averaging thirty-five members, are 
organized. Mother's meetings are held, and a regular Army 
Corps is organized, consisting of sixty members. This settle- 
ment may prove an auspicious advance of the Army along these 
lines. 

To sum up, the Army Slum Department is doing valuable 
work in the slums, tending the sick, exercising and bringing out 
some of the better traits of humanity, and offering relief in times 
of need; but it suffers from an over-desire to spread its own 
peculiar doctrines of salvation, and from the lack of grasping 
the whole situation which is characteristic of its workers. 



122 The Salvation Army Rescue Department. 

CHAPTER V. 
The Salvation Army Rescue Department. 

In the United States and Great Britain, the question of the 
social evil has never been thoroughly investigated and faced sys- 
tematically as a whole. In some of the large cities in the United 
States, notably in Chicago and New York, the question has been 
taken up in various ways by different reform societies. Prob- 
ably the best investigation made thus far has been the work of 
the Committee of Fifteen, in New York City, which issued its 
report in the year 1902, but the problem does not appear to 
have been faced by us as a nation as it might have been. Other 
countries, especially France, have paid a great deal of attention 
to this form of vice. Nearly every phase of the question has 
been examined by some French investigator and reported on, but 
when we look for reports or investigations on the part of Amer- 
ican or English students, we find very little of value. 

As regards the United States, all attempts at reaching a true 
estimate of the extent of this evil have failed. Apparently, there 
is no way of obtaining such information. We have seen estimates 
regarding some of the cities in past years, and such estimates 
are given as 40,000 prostitutes for New York City, (1) 30,000 
for Chicago and 35,000 for San Francisco. But these figures 
have evidently been derived in a very unscientific way. The 
evil is probably worse in the Western states than in the Eastern, 
but we are not satisfied of the accuracy of such estimates as 
35,000 for San Francisco and only 30,000 for Chicago. 

The work known as the Rescue Work of the Salvation Army 
is, to a certain extent, related to the Slum Work. The slum 
officers can often work hand-in-hand with the Rescue officers, 
inasmuch as their field is often on the same or adjoining terri- 
tory. At the same time, it is essential that the Rescue officer 



(1) Mentioned in Josiah Strong's Social Progress. 1906, p. 243. 



The Salvation Army Rescue Department. 123 

be more highly specialized than the slum worker. During the 
past few years the percentage of successful cases of reform 
brought about by the Army Rescue Homes has reached as high 
as 80 or 85%, according to the Army's statistics. They, how- 
ever, are unable to keep in touch with all the girls sent out, and 
hence this percentage would not be final, but even allowing 25% 
off for failures not known to the Army, it is doubtful if there 
is any other reform agency along this line which is as success- 
ful as is this force of trained rescue workers. (1.) In the United 
States this force works in conjunction with twenty-two Rescue 
Homes scattered throughout the States. These homes are es- 
pecially fitted for the work, some having been built for the pur- 
pose. There are work rooms for the girls, where they can do 
sewing and laundry work. There is a reading room and sitting 
room, dining room, and different dormitories and sleeping apart- 
ments. Then special facilities are provided for the care of 
babies in the way of proper nurseries. 

There are two ways in which these girls come under the in- 
fluence of the Homes and Rescue workers : either the girls come 
voluntarily to the Homes, expressing their desire to leave this 
form of life for a better one, or they are brought to the Home 
by the direct influence and touch of the Rescue officer. These 
Rescue officers make regular tours through the districts where 
the girls are to be found. They watch their opportunities, and 
whenever they think it wise, they speak to the girls personally. 
When this is not possible, they make an advance by way of 
literature. One method is to open up a conversation by means 
of a little card, upon which is printed the address of the Rescue 
Home, and the offer of help to any girl who is in trouble of 
any sort. Some of the officers tell us that they get to know the 
faces of the girls through their regular tours, and whenever 
a new girl comes they are able to recognize her at once, both 



(1) In Great Britain in 1903, the proportion of re-admissions in the 
Rescue Homes was about one in seven. In that year, about one-sixth of 
the new cases were unsatisfactory. (The S. A. and the Public, p. 131.) 



124 The Salvation Army Res-cue Department. 

by her features and her actions. In this way there have been 
some instances of real prevention without the need of any cura- 
tive means whatever ; instances where young girls have been 
rescued from the very brink of their evil fate. One way of 
reaching the girls is visitation and nursing when they are sick 
Another way is through the police courts. In some of the 
latter a woman Army officer is in regular attendance, and the 
judge frequently hands certain cases over to her charge. 

Many of the girls received into the Home have had no practi- 
cal training in life ; many, very little moral training, and in 
the case of those who have had good training in earlier years, 
the life they have been leading has so undermined their old 
ideals, that the training must be repeated. Hence, the aim of 
the Home is two-fold. First, the aim is to lay a strong founda- 
tion morally. When the girls reach the Home, in most cases 
they are already penitent, and ready for a change, but to make 
such a complete change as is necessary to lead them back to a 
normal life means the individual revolution of desire and in- 
terest. Here is where the importance of the moral influence 
of the Home is realized. Step by step the girl is led on by 
the simple teaching of Christian and social ideals, until in 
reality she is a changed individual. Often she looks back on 
her past life with such repugnance and shrinking, that her only 
desire becomes that of doing something to retrieve her past, and 
she becomes an active agent in the betterment of the conditions 
of other girls around her. 

Meanwhile, the second aim of the Rescue Home is being 
realized. The girls are taught the means of practical livelihood. 
They are instructed in cooking, the care of the kitchen and 
nursery, and general housekeeping. Sewing is made a prominent 
feature, and in every Home a laundry is maintained, where the 
girls do their own washing and sometimes outside washing. 
In some Homes the fund realized from the laundry and from 
the sale of clothing made by the girls is quite a help toward de- 
fraying the general expenses. Again, at some of the Homes, 



The Salvation Army Rescue Department. 125 

such work as book binding and chicken raising has been suc- 
cessfully carried on. Independence is encouraged, and as soon 
as possible the girl is made to feel that, by aiding in the work 
of the Home, she can help meet the expense which she caused. 

To the girl who has possibly never done sewing, never known 
anything about proper cooking or the care of a home, there 
is much that is new in this training, and, on the other hand, 
great patience is required on the part of her instructors. A fit 
of anger or despondency, and in a very short time she has left 
the Home and its care, and returned to her old life. Some do 
this even more than once and again return, having, upon re- 
flection, realized the force of its love and shelter. Others, of 
course, leave and never return, but a large number are sent 
back to their own homes or out to fill situations of various 
kinds. 

A great difference is found between one girl and another, due 
to the different status of life and surroundings from which they 
originally fell; hence, some girls are reformed with greater ease 
and in a shorter time than are others. The average time that 
a girl is retained in the Home is about four months. The Army 
aims at keeping in touch with them afterwards. 

"Personally," says one of the leading Rescue officers writing on 
this point, "I attach by far the greatest importance to the work 
done with our girls after they leave the Home. If we ceased our 
care for them when they went out to service, we should have, I fear, 
many failures. I have by my elbow, as I write to you, a current rec- 
ord of 120 girls, not picked out but taken just as they come, which 
tells just where each one is, what she is doing, what was her 
spiritual condition when last seen or heard from, what day visited, 
etc. That list is taken from a record kept of every girl who passes 
through our hands. On one page is her previous life story; on the 
other, her career after leaving the Home. It is the most important 
record we keep." (1) 

Along with other departments of social service in the Army, 
this department has been considerably extended during the past 



(1) "Social Service in the Salvation Army," p. 71. 



126 The Salvation Army Rescue Department. 

few years. Figures are at hand for the United States only. 
In 1896 there were five Rescue Homes with a total accommoda- 
tion for 100 girls, and there were, in the Rescue Work, 24 
officers. In 1904 we found twenty-two homes, with a total ac- 
commodation for 500 girls, and there were no specialized of- 
ficers engaged in the Rescue Work. During the eight years 
prior to 1907 15,000 girls were helped. (1.) Speaking of the 
year 1903-4, Commander Booth-Tucker says: "More than 1,800 
girls passed through the homes during the year, and of these 
93% were satisfactory cases, being restored to lives of virtue, 
while some 500 babies were cared for." (2.) During the past 
few years, also, some valuable properties have been acquired for 
the purposes of Rescue Homes. Among these are two Homes 
in Philadelphia worth $20,000.00; the Home in Manhattan, New 
York City, valued at $35,000.00; the Home in Buffalo, costing 
nearly $40,000.00; the Home in Los Angeles, worth more than 
$15,000.00, and others. 

In conclusion it may be said that although this great social 
question presents almost overwhelming problems for solution, 
yet there is no agency that deals with the evil in a curative way 
so successfully, and on such a scale, as does the Rescue De- 
partment of the Army. One difficulty of the work is that, while 
so many departments of the Army work are self-supporting, this 
work cannot be made so. Another difficulty is the lack of those 
who are willing to sacrifice their lives to such noble effort. Mrs. 
Catherine Higgins, former Secretary for this department, in 
her report, said that she had a great need of 100 more workers, 
and that she could use many times that number in the further- 
ance of the work. 

While it is rather the part of society to strike at the very 
causes of this social evil and root it out entirely, still, such 
successful combating with the evil itself, right on the battle-field 
of flagrant vice, should receive the hearty support of all. 



(1) Pamphlet "S. A. in the U. S." 

(2) Ibid., p. 26. 



Some Minor Features of the Salvation Army Social Work. 127 

CHAPTER VI. 

Some Minor Features of the Salvation Army Social Work. 

There are a number of features of the Salvation Army Social 
Work, which for the sake of brevity we shall group together in 
one final chapter. These are, (1) : Christmas dinners, (2) • prison 
work, (3) : the employment bureau, and (4) : work among the 
children. Taking up the subject of Christmas dinners, we find 
"here what seems to be an advertising scheme more than a sys- 
tematic form of relief. Sentiment, doubtless, has its place, even 
with the masses, and yet, in this great winter feast, there is more 
sentiment than there is real practical good accomplished. To 
the quiet, calculating student the question arises whether it 
would not be far better to utilize the vast amount of energy and 
financial outlay, which it gives to gorging the multitude for 
one day, in a better and more lasting way; the question whether 
there is not, in these Christmas feasts, a likeness to the old time 
feast of pagan Rome. In every city of any size throughout the 
country the pots and kettles on the street corner are familiar 
objects. At each Corps or other location of the Army, tickets 
are given out entitling the bearer to a Christmas dinner, or, in 
certain cases, to a basket with a dinner for a family. A good 
deal of trickery is indulged in by the professional beggars, by 
means of which it often happens that several dinners go to the 
same person. And yet, as we have watched those 5,000 baskets 
containing food for 25,000 persons go out, to bring cheer and 
comfort to the hungry in their homes, and as we have gazed on 
that vast banquet of 3,000 quests seated at one sitting, we could 
not but feel glad that these poor brothers and sisters of ours 
might realize the force of human sympathy for once in the year 
at least. (1.) 



(1) The author refers here to the annual Christmas dinner given in 
New York. 



128 Some Minor Features of the Salvation Army Social Work, 

Another minor feature of the Salvation Army work is the 
prison work. The majority of the jails, local, county and state, 
are visited at intervals by certain members of the Army set 
aside for that purpose in each community. In one State's prison 
there is a regularly organized corps of Salvation Army soldiers, 
who are all prisoners, some of them for a life term. In most 
prisons the Army provides literature, sees to the correspondence 
of the prisoners and holds meetings with them. But it is not 
so much the work with the prisoners in the jail that counts, as 
it is the influence gained over them, which leads them to come 
to the Army and make a new start in life when they get out. 
Many who find themselves behind the prison bars are not to be 
classed as regular criminals. A man is often classed as a 
criminal who is a victim of misfortune only, and has no inherent 
criminal instincts. It is with the criminal "by occasion," as Lom- 
broso puts it, (i) that much successful work can be done in the 
way of reform. The Army has a regular organization known 
as the Prison Gate League. When a prisoner is discharged he 
is met by one of this league and invited to go to work at one 
of the Army's institutions. After being influenced and helped 
in this institution for a certain length of time, if he seems to 
justify it, he is sent out to work in some position. There are 
no definite statistics recorded of those of this class who have 
been permanently bettered. 

Still another minor feature is the employment bureau system. 
While mentioned here as merely one of a group of minor fea- 
tures, this system is one of great importance to the industrial 
world. It is being taken into consideration in many places by 
thoughtful men, and there is promise of its assuming national, 
if not international proportions. The general term, employment 
bureau, serves to bring to our recollection the accompanying 
evils of the contract wage system and industrial slavery, against 
which there has been agitation in the past, but it is because of 
these accompaniments that the importance arises of securing a 



(i) "The Criminal," p. 208. 



Some Minor Features of the Salvation Army Social Work. 129 

system which shall be free from them. In Germany consider- 
able work has been done along these lines, municipalities and 
provinces have taken up the work, and an all-round effort is 
being made to place labor in the right position for work at the 
proper time. (1.) New York City is to-day swarming with many 
agencies, which are conducted by men and women, who may 
rightly be classed as extortioners. In spite of the rigid rules on 
the subject, the ignorance and poverty of their victims makes eva- 
sion of the law comparatively easy. Jacob A. Riis, speaking of 
this subject, says: 

"It is estimated that New York spends in public and private 
charity every year around eight millions. A small part of this sum 
intelligently invested in a great labor bureau that would bring the 
seeker of work and the man with work together, under auspices 
offering some degree of mutual security, would certainly repay the 
amount of the investment in the saving of much capital now much 
worse than wasted, and would be prolific of the best results." (2) 

In regard to the work of the Army in this field every large 
city contains an employment bureau conducted by it and main- 
tained for the free use of the unemployed. Some of the men, 
who secure positions have been in one of its own 
institutions, and the Army workers know whether or not 
to recommend them for a certain position. Outside of giving 
men work in its own institutions, the Army, during the year 
1907, found employment for 55,621 persons in the United States 
alone. 

Contrary to expectation, the children's work of the Army 
has not attained a magnitude in proportion to the other lines 
of work which have been developed. This may be accounted 
for in part by the fact that there are more institutions open for 
children to which the Army can turn for help than there are 
institutions of other types. Thus, while the Army can often get 
a child taken into some orphanage already existing, either public 



(1) "The German Workman," ch. XVII. 

(2) "How the Other Half Lives," p. 253. 



130 Some Minor Features of the Salvation Army Social Work. 

or private, in the case of the drunkard, the unemployed or the 
fallen woman, the Army finds it necessary to furnish its own 
institutions. Again, the Army states that wherever possible, 
some friend is found who is willing to adopt a child. Of course, 
this is far preferable to placing the child in some institution, 
inasmuch as adoption restores the home in a real sense. 

The work among the children may be divided into temporary 
work and permanent work. By temporary work we do not 
mean work that is superficial, for it may be the most permanent 
and lasting in its results, but we mean work that is undertaken 
which influences the children for a limited amount of time only. 
The slum nursery or kindergarten is of this type, but as we 
have already described it in connection with the Slum Depart- 
ment, it needs only mention here. Another line of temporary 
work is the Sunday School work of the Army, but that comes 
under the religious work and not the social. 

An important line of temporary work, however, is the sum- 
mer outing for the poor children. In each of our large cities 
these excursions for the poor children have been carried out 
on a large scale. Arrangements are made with a railroad or 
a steamboat company; the children are collected, hundreds at 
a time, and cared for by parties of Salvationists, they are taken 
out to the country for the day. Children who have never seen 
the country, and who do not know what a tree, a green hill, or the 
running water looks like, are thus given an entirely new outlook 
upon the world, and a lasting impression is made on their minds. 
In Kansas City, this line of work has been developed still fur- 
ther. One of the large parks has been handed over to the Army 
by the city authorities, and in it has been established a summer 
camp. Tents are pitched on the grass under the trees, and 
poor families are brought out here for a week at a time. In 
this way hundreds of families have experienced a little of sum- 
mer vacation who otherwise would never have left their slum 
dwellings. 



Some Minor Features of the Salvation Army Social Work. 131 

The permanent handling of the children as opposed to the 
temporary, begins with the Maternity Homes which are managed 
in connection with the Rescue Homes, and continues on through 
the Orphanages. The children cared for in this permanent way 
are the babies from the Maternity Homes and orphans. 
From this it must not be supposed, with regard to the Maternity 
Homes, that there is any intentional separation or even a sug- 
gested separation of the child from the mother, but in many 
cases, after a time, a partial separation is necessary. The mother 
is influenced and taught to care for and love her offspring, but 
after spending some months in the Home, she may take a situ- 
ation of some sort, often as a domestic servant, and here 
she cannot take her baby. Hence, in such cases, the mother is 
expected to visit her child frequently, and to provide for its 
support. 

The other class of children dealt with in a permanent way are 
those who are picked up from the street, or who otherwise fall 
into the hands of the Army, often after being deserted by their 
parents. While Orphanages, as already stated, are not an im- 
portant item in the Army's work, there are several in England 
and four in the United States. For the situation of an Orphan- 
age, a country location is sought. For instance, one near New 
York City is located on a beautiful piece of property at Spring 
Valley. Another is at Rutherford, N. J. One of the largest is 
situated near San Francisco, California, and one of the latest 
additions for this purpose has been the securing of a fine piece of 
property at Lytton Springs, Cal. In all, there is accommodation 
for two hundred and twenty-five children in the United States. 



132 Conclusion. 

CHAPTER VII. 
Conclusion. 

We have now covered the work of the Salvation Army social 
movement in its different branches. We have described the 
work, the extent and the management of each department. We 
have also considered the critcisms and objections to which each 
department is open, and we have attempted to estimate the value 
of each department to society. We have arrived at the conclusion 
that the work of the Industrial Department, leaving out the In- 
dustrial Colony, is a practical, deserving and successful effort to 
put unfortunate men once more on their feet, at no expense to 
the public, saving a slight embarrassment to those already en- 
gaged in the salvage and second hand business ; that the Army 
lodging house is the best so far offered for the housing of the 
lower homeless class, although not entirely satisfactory; that the 
Slum Work is good, but limited in its scope, owing to the re- 
ligious sentiment attached, and the mental inferiority of its 
workers ; that the Rescue Work is about the best of its kind ; and 
that good work is being done in other directions, such as the 
prison work, the employment bureaux and the children's work. 
On the other hand, we have found that the two Industrial 
Colonies and three Farm Colonies are not successful enough to 
warrant any additional expenditure on them or on any new 
colonies. This is due to the fact that the class most needing help 
in the cities is not the class to succeed on the land, and to the fact 
that men are more successful as pioneers on the land, when they 
are scattered and left to rely on themselves, having experienced 
farmers as neighbors, than when they are grouped closely to- 
gether in one colony. Also there is nothing in favor of heavy 
expenditure for Christmas dinners, since the same amount of 
money can be put to better advantage in other ways. 

But, having reached these conclusions regarding the separate 
departments of the Army social work, what about the movement 



Conclusion. 133 

as a whole? The critics have advanced a good many objections 
against the Army. Some of these objections relating to special 
departments and not to the Army as a whole, we have already 
dealt with in our discussion of those separate departments. 
There remain six principal objections: 

1. That the organization is narrow and not willing to co- 
operate with other organizations. 

2. That the highly centralized military form of government is 
likely to lead to disastrous consequences. 

3. That the Army, in its financial dealings, does not take the 
public sufficiently into its confidence. 

4. That the Army collects funds, on the strength of its social 
work, and applies these funds to religious propaganda. 

5. That there is a lack of accuracy in its reports of work ac- 
complished. 

6. That the Army, as an organization, has become more of an 
end in itself, than a means to an end. 

Regarding the first objection, the narrowness and lack of co- 
operation, we think there is a good deal of truth in it. The 
Army has made a great success as an organization, and the work 
of its founder and his assistants is one of the most remarkable 
achievements of the age. Things apparently impossible have 
been accomplished, and obstacles apparently unsurmountable have 
been overcome. The result is a self-confidence and assurance, 
amounting in many cases to bigotry. The members of the or- 
ganization look upon it as especially favored by God, and as 
above any other organization. Hence, we find many of the 
leaders far from humble in their bearings, whatever their pro- 
fession may be, and entirely uninclined to cooperate with other 
organizations. This fact has been brought to the foreground of 
late years in England and America by a certain amount of 
antagonism between the Army and the Charity Organization 
Society, the Army claiming that it can do its work along its own 
lines and get along without any alliance with the Society, and the 



134 Conclusion. 

latter claiming that much economy would result if the Army 
would unite its efforts along social lines with the Charity 
Organization Society. The controversy cannot be discussed here, 
but it seems a pity that some sort of union cannot be entered into 
in which both organizations would be represented in a manner 
satisfactory to both. One great difficulty, evidently, is the 
religious element in the social work of the Army, which tends to 
prejudice the Charity Organization Society in some degree against 
the Army, and tends to keep the Army aloof from any 
organization considered secular. However, we find many leading 
officers in both organizations with friendly feeling, and there is 
hope that the time will come, when the controversy will be at an 
end. 

Coming to the second objection, that the highly centralized 
military form of government of the Army is likely to lead to 
disastrous consequences, we think that, if continued, this form 
of government must indeed lead to disaster. It is evident that 
this might happen in different ways. In an organization held 
together by one man or by one idea, disintegration would tend to 
take place in the one case by the failure or death of the leader, 
and in the other case by the expansion of the idea. The Army is 
held together by both the man and the idea, and we need not turn 
away from its own history to get examples of this disintegration 
in both ways. Take the first bond of union, the man of striking, 
hypnotic personality. Since the very inception of the movement, 
time after time, men who have gained influence in the Army, have 
separated from its ranks and started a movement of their own 
of more or less formidable dimensions. The instance most 
applicable here is that of the division which took place a few years 
ago in the United States. At that time the Army in this country 
had been very successful under the leadership of one of General 
Booth's sons, Ballington Booth and his wife, Maud, the latter 
especially being a most attractive and talented personality and 
gifted, persuasive speaker. Mr. and Mrs. Ballington Booth 
were flattered by attention from all sides, and by the worship of 



Conclusion. 135 

the soldiers and officers under them. Orders came from General 
William Booth, commanding them to give up their leadership in 
the United States and take control of some other country. But 
they had no idea of giving up their position in this country, and, 
elated by success, confidently announced their leadership of a new- 
movement, the Volunteers of America, which is still in existence. 
While the other element, that of the expansion of the idea, 
showed itself at this time in a revolt against the narrow, despotic 
methods of General William Booth, the main element in this 
division was that of personality. Taking up the second bond of 
union, that of the central, controlling idea and purpose, we find 
the whole movement at the present time is tending to disintegrate 
through the expansion of this idea. This is shown by the con- 
tinual departure of men from the ranks of the Army, who see 
that its methods and machinery are too cramped for their efforts, 
and also by the different attitude of the remaining members to- 
wards the movement itself and its leader General William Booth. 
It is possible, however, that there will gradually be effected a 
change in the form of government of the army which will allow 
for enlargement and differentiation within the movement itself. 
General Booth, the sole head of the movement, cannot live much 
longer, and at his death, changes already threatening will demand 
attention. He has maintained a remarkable control over his 
w r orld-wide following, in spite of numerous outbreaks and 
dangerous splits, and has legally arranged with great care, we are 
told, the succession to follow him. But that there will ever be a 
second General Booth, or that there could be a series of General 
Booths, able to hold the organization as he has, is incredible. We 
have talked with leading officers of his Army on this subject and 
find that they too, are looking for changes. The fact that the 
social work is having such a remarkable growth, while the 
spiritual work is apparently unable to hold its own, is in itself a 
feature demanding a change. The Army of industrial and social 
officers and employees will not be bound by the same ties to the 
General as his former Army of spiritual officers and soldiers. 



136 Conclusion. 

The latter were possessed with an emotional, fanatical enthusiasm 
which blinded them to everything save the service of their much 
adored General. The former have a different outlook on life. 
They are the new Army, a result of tendencies inherent in the 
growth of the movement. They look at humanity and individuals 
fiom other standpoints than that of the salvation of the soul. The 
material side of society, with its institutions of business, and 
practical forms of charitable relief, occupies a large amount of 
their attention. This has already led to considerable differ- 
entiation of government and control. Take, for example, the 
corporation, "The Industrial Homes Company" controlling eighty- 
four industrial institutions in the United States, and managed by 
a board of directors in New York City. This example is opening 
the way toward a future government by a board of some sort 
for other departments of the Army, and in time for the spiritual 
department, and then the further step of representation of mem- 
bers on these boards will not be far distant. At any rate we see 
reason for hoping that, while other improvements are taking 
place, the government of the Army will not be a handicap to the 
movement. 

By the third objection, that the Army in its financial dealings 
does not take the public sufficiently into its confidence, is meant 
that complete records of detailed expenditure are not issued. The 
public provides for a large part of the income of the Army, and 
it has a right to know just how and where that income is spent. 
The man and woman who is being continually confronted by a 
lassie on the street with a little box for the receipt of contributions,, 
after contributing again and again, is likely to ask the question, 
just where is this money going; and it would be of advantage to 
the Army itself, if it would issue a more definite statement of the 
use to which it puts public money. Some people are satisfied with 
the general report that "the Army is doing good," but there are 
many who would contribute more largely, if they knew directly 
for what they were contributing. In reply to this criticism, the 
Army states that it deposits regularly with the state authorities 



Conclusion. 137 

a statement showing the disposition and state of the finances of its 
corporations, such as "The Reliance Trading Company" and 
"The Salvation Army Industrial Homes Company." 

The Army also issues every year a balance sheet which shows 
its assets and liabilities on a large scale. But this is not sufficient. 
The ordinary person can receive no light from either the state- 
ment deposited with the state authorities or the yearly balance 
sheet published by the Army. In fact, although the Army uses 
the services of an expert accountant in getting out this balance 
sheet, for all that the public knows, it may be using the funds 
entrusted to it in any way it wishes. This should be remedied by 
a regular statement, clearly revealing the disposition of every cent 
donated. 

A discussion of the preceding objection leads us to the fourth 
objection, that the Army collects funds on the strength of its 
social work, and applies these funds to the carrying on of its 
religious propaganda. ( 1 ) The Army denies this, but admits that 
there is a good deal of money collected for the general work, 
there being no specific object implied when it is collected, other 
than a statement of the various departments in which the Army 
is working, and of their extent. Of course, the social work comes 
in for strong presentation on the statement, but the money not 
being collected for any one object, the Army is at liberty to apply 
it to any branch of its work whether spiritual or social. This 
again shows the need of greater definiteness and accuracy in the 
Army's report to the public. 

A fifth objection is the lack of accuracy shown by the Army in 
its reports of work accomplished. (2) This has special reference 
to the statistics published by the Army, and is a good criticism. 
At different times and in different parts of the world, statistics 
are given out, which seems to emanate from no one authority, 
which are often contradictory, and which create confusion in the 
mind of the person wishing to get at the facts. As a result of a 



(1) See the "S. A. and the Public," Ch. 5. 
(2) See the "Social Relief Work of the S. A.," p. 4. 



138 Conclusion. 

good deal of recent criticism on this point, all future statistics of 
the Army in the United States are to come from one point only, 
are to be in charge of an expert, and no publication of statistics 
is to be allowed without the consent of the National Headquarters. 

The sixth and last objection is a very important one and one 
which has been seen in the history of organizations without 
number, viz : that the organization tends to become an end in 
itself, instead of a means to an end. This objection is also allied 
to a former one regarding a lack of cooperation on the part of 
the Army with other organizations. More and more an 
organization, formed as is the Army, feels complete in itself, and 
works continually for its own interests and its own glory. In a 
large number of instances the objective point that was once 
humanity and the glory of God tends to become the advancement 
of the Army. While feeling that this objection is a serious one, 
it still cannot be considered as anything but unavoidable, consid- 
ering the government and general character of the movement. If 
it were possible for the Army to be governed locally, and to some 
extent, nationally by boards, a part of whose membership rep- 
resented the public, we believe that the tendency to advance its 
own interest would be diminished. Study out the workings and 
control of this organization, and it is found a machine, ever seek- 
ing to increase its power and field of work. If this machine could 
be controlled to some extent by the public which feeds it, it might 
be kept as a useful servant, but otherwise, in spite of the great 
service which it does society to-day, the tendency to get away 
from its object and to become an object itself, will be more and 
more dangerous. 

In conclusion, then, we find that these objections advanced by 
the critics are not without foundation, and while some may be 
more tendencies than actualities, it lies with the organization to 
guard itself from them. We have found the Army an efficient 
worker along several lines, and society owes it a considerable debt 
for past service and lessons learned from it. Hence it would be a 
great pity for its efficiency as a great public servant to be lessened 






Conclusion. 139 

by a lack of publicity regarding its finance, or by a narrow, self- 
centered policy, or by a too centralized form of government. 
Some of the Army leaders are men of great hearts and strong 
minds, and it is to be hoped that, whenever in the future, the op- 
portunity offers to make a beneficial change of policy in its duty 
toward the public or toward its sister organizations engaged in 
charitable work or in its own internal administration, that these 
leaders will stand firmly for what they believe, and demand the 
necessary change. 



140 Bibliography. 

BIBLIOGRAPHY. 

American Journal of Sociology, Volume III. 

Besant, Sir Walter, 

The Farm and the City, 

Contemporary Review, 72-792. 

Booth, Bramwell, 

I. A Day with the Salvation Army, 

S. A. Press, London, 1904. 

II. Illustrated Interviews, 

S. A. Press, London, 1905. 

Booth, Charles, 

Life and Labor of the People, 

The Macmillan Co., New York, 1899. 

Booth, Commander Eva, 

Where Shadows Lengthen, 

,S. A. Press, New York, 1906. 

Booth, Florence E. 

A Peep into My Letter Bag, 

S. A. Press, London, 1905. 

Booth, William, 

I. In Darkest England, and the Way Out, 
S. A. Press, London, 1890. 

II. Social Service in the Salvation Army, 

S. A. Press, London, 1903. 

III. The Doctrines of the Salvation Army, 

S. A. Press, London. 

IV. The Why and Wherefore of the Rules and Regulations 
of the Salvation Army, 

S. A. Press, London. 
V. Orders and Regulations for Field Officers, 
S. A. Press, London. 






Bibliography. 141 

Booth-Tucker, Commander, 

I. William Booth, Life of 

S. A. Press, New York, 1898. 
II. The Salvation Army in the United States, 
S. A. Press, New York, 1899. 

III. Social Relief Work of the Salvation Army in the 
United States, 

S. A. Press, New York, 1900. 

IV. Our Future Pauper Policy in America, 

S. A. Press, New York, 1898. 
V. Prairie Homes for City Poor, 

S. A. Press, New York, 1899. 
VI. A Review of the Salvation Army Land Colony in 
California, 

S. A. Press, New York, 1903. 

Coates, Thomas F. G. 

The Prophet of the Poor, 

E. P. Dutton & Co., New York, 1906. 

Dawson, William Harbutt, 

The German Workman, * , ■ 

Chas. Scribner's Sons, New York, 1906. 

Devine, Edward T., 

The Principles of Relief, 

The Macmillan Co., New York, 1905. 

Hadleigh 

The Salvation Army Colony, 

S. A. Press, London, 1904. 

Haggard, H. Rider, 

The Poor and the Land, 

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Higgins, Mrs. Catherine, 

Love's Laborings in Sorrow's Soil, 

S. A. Press, New York, 1904. 



142 Bibliography. 

Huxley, T. H., 

Social Diseases and Worse Remedies, 

The Macmillan Co., New York, 189 1. 

Manson, John, 

The Salvation Army and the Public, 

E. P. Dutton & Co., New York, 1906. 

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S. A. Press, London, 1904. 

Report of Committee of Fifteen, 
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G. P. Putnam's Sons, New York, 1902. 

Report of the Departmental Committee, Appointed to Consider 
Mr. Rider Haggard's Report on Agricultural Settlements in 
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I. How the Other Half Lives, 

Chas. Scribner's Sons, New York, 1902. 
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Houghton, Mifflin & Co., New York, 1900. 

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Geo. W. Jacobs' & Co., Philadelphia, 1903. 

Ruskin, John, 

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Donohue, Hernneberry and Co., Chicago. 

Seager, Henry Rogers, 

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Bibliography. 143 

Solenberger, Edwin D., 

The Social Relief Work of the Salvation Army, 
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VITA. 

The author of this dissertation, Edwin Gifford Lamb, was born 
in London, England, December 22, 1878. He attended private 
schools in that city and then spent three years in Northwestern 
Canada without schooling. After this he went to California 
where he prepared for college in the preparatory department of 
the University of the Pacific. He became a citizen of the United 
States as soon as eligible and graduated from Leland Stanford 
Junior University in 1904, with the degree of A. B. In the year 
io,04-'o5, he was a student at Union Theological Seminary and 
Columbia University. During the year i905-'o6, he held a 
scholarship in Sociology at Columbia University. At this in- 
stitution he studied under Professors F. H. Giddings, John B. 
Clark, H. R. Seager, H. L. Moore, J. Dewey, F. J. E. Woodbridge 
and W. P. Montague. Since that time he has been an instructor 
in the Harstrom School, Norwalk, Connecticut. 



<o^ 



LB Mr 10 



The Social Work of the 
Salvation Army 



By 
EDWIN GIFFORD LAMB, A.B. 



Submitted in Partial Fulfilment of the Requirements for the Degree of 

Doctor of Philosophy in the Faculty of Political Science 

Columbia University 



1909 



